Jump to content
Shiloh Discussion Group

All Activity

This stream auto-updates     

  1. Yesterday
  2. Posted Mineral Point News of 16 APR 1862 page 3.
  3. It took a couple of days for word to reach the villages and farms in the North that a massive contest had taken place along the bank of the Tennessee River. And the initial reports seemed to indicate “another Union victory, with moderate casualties,” such as resulted for the Union at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson and Island No.10 …but after those initial reports, other stories began to appear, not just from embedded reporters, but letters and other eyewitness accounts from soldiers themselves, and these presented sensational details at odds with the initial rosy narrative. And these details grew progressively horrific: not hundreds of casualties, but thousands… maybe tens of thousands… Suddenly, Casualty Lists were in demand; but the Northern newspapers could not provide them. As occurred after Forts Henry and Donelson, the regional papers contacted Chicago for details… and were given only Chicago-specific lists of casualties. And the Horror of Shiloh continued, with full Casualty Lists never appearing in most Northern newspapers: the affected families were slowly and sporadically informed of the fate of their loved ones by mail: comrades of their sons and fathers who knew what happened (or thought they did); and official letters of condolence when facts could be positively determined. Meanwhile, the waiting, and not knowing, became almost intolerable… Unknown to the people in the North, one newspaper had taken extraordinary steps to compile a Master Casualty List of Wounded Men, and that paper was not in Chicago or Cincinnati, but St. Louis. Beginning with the April 15th edition, the Daily Missouri Republican published names of wounded men who arrived at St. Louis aboard the Hospital boat, D.A. January (two full columns on Page One.) And although Hospital boats Crescent City and City of Louisiana soon arrived at St. Louis, other boats pressed into service as floating Hospitals offloaded their human cargo at New Albany, Evansville, Cincinnati, Louisville, Paducah and Cairo; the Daily Missouri Republican “borrowed” reports from local papers of those river ports and repeated them on the pages of the St. Louis paper: • 17 APR page 3 Minnehaha wounded offloaded at Louisville (CSA and USA) • 18 APR page 1 John J. Roe casualties offloaded at Evansville • 19 APR page 1 War Eagle casualties arrived St. Louis • 19 APR page 2 Empress casualties arrived at St. Louis • 19 APR page 3 Magnolia casualties arrived Cincinnati • 20 APR page 1 Imperial casualties arrived St. Louis • 20 APR page 1 Black Hawk casualties arrived Cairo • 20 APR page 2 Tycoon casualties arrived 17 APR at Cincinnati • 20 APR page 2 Lancaster casualties arrived at Cincinnati • 20 APR page 2 B. J. Adams casualties arrived New Albany In addition, edition for 22 APR page 3 lists all of the Hospitals in St. Louis where the wounded men from Pittsburg Landing were housed. Shortly after his arrival at Pittsburg Landing, Henry Halleck sent a telegram to Brigadier General Strong at Cairo (15 APR 1862): “All the wounded have been sent to Hospital. Stop all sanitary commissions, nurses and citizens. We don’t want any more.” References: Daily Missouri Republican, issues 9 APR through 23 APR 1862 and available: https://digital.shsmo.org/digital/collection/dmr/id/15091/rec/3182 Missouri Daily Republican for 15 APR 1862 https://digital.shsmo.org/digital/collection/dmr/search/page/318 Access to all editions of Missouri Daily Republican at State Historical Society of Missouri Note: The first known reference published in the North referred to “an attack against our forces at Pittsburg Landing by Beauregard” went to print on 8 APR 1862 and was discredited as “a rumor from Paducah.” The second reference to the Battle of Pittsburg Landing was published 9 APR 1862 and was a telegram sent from Henry Halleck to SecWar Stanton on April 8, full contents of which: “The enemy attacked our forces at Pittsburg Tennessee yesterday (April 7) but was repulsed with heavy loss. No details given.” Further note: Beginning 15 APR 1862 the same editions of this newspaper contained names and details of Confederate prisoners captured at Battle of Pittsburg Landing and transported to St. Louis and elsewhere (initially aboard steamer, Woodfolk -- see page one, column 6.)
  4. Last week
  5. mona

    14th Iowa "diary"

    i hope they will make the entire..if not the shiloh section ..available omline..because inquirying minds want to read.
  6. Ozzy

    14th Iowa "diary"

    Mona The other Federal units to recruit men from Savannah and Hardin County in March and April 1862 were the 40th Illinois (Hicks) the 46th Ohio (Worthington) the USS Lexington (Shirk) the USS Tyler (Gwin) and the USS Alfred Robb. The Roster for the 40th Illinois includes names of Tennessee men recruited into Company C, and Colonel Thomas Worthington recorded names of the Savannah men recruited into his Companies A, B, D, G, I and K (on a slip of paper he compiled a day or two after the Battle of Shiloh, because I believe the camp of the 46th Ohio was overrun and their records lost.) The three gunboats would all have names of recruits entered in their Logbooks. Unfortunately, only select pages of the Operational History (Ledger) of the 14th Iowa Infantry are available online… at the present time. As regards Lewis Sutton’s father, Philip: he survived the war, returned to Mount Pleasant, Iowa and lived until November 1880. Cheers Ozzy
  7. mona

    14th Iowa "diary"

    i wish the men that enlisted at savannah was accessable.i cant find it anywhere.. i wonder if his father ,phillip, survived the war he's death date is?? on find a grave. interesting .
  8. Earlier
  9. Ozzy

    14th Iowa "diary"

    [from Clark County H.S.] Lewis Wells Sutton was born in Ohio in November 1839 and in about 1855 migrated with his Father Philip, Mother Elizabeth, and five brothers and sisters to Henry County, Iowa. The railroads at that time were advertising “cheap land,” the first bridge over the Mississippi River had been completed (with likelihood of a ribbon of steel soon reaching California), and the Sutton Family was certainly drawn to some of the richest farmland in America by the promise of a Golden Future. The eruption of War in 1861 put on hold the Dreams of the Future: Lewis (20) and his brother Jacob (18) enlisted in the 14th Iowa Volunteer Infantry, Company I, in October. Mustered in at Davenport, the 14th Iowa saw service at Fort Donelson with Lauman’s Brigade of C.F. Smith’s Second Division. And then moved on to Pittsburg Landing. And along the way, Lewis Sutton was promoted to Corporal. And the 14th Iowa (Colonel Shaw) was attached to Tuttle’s Brigade of C.F. Smith’s Second Division (but with General Smith away sick, the Division was under acting command of Brigadier General WHL Wallace, effective 2 April 1862.) And the under-strength 14th Iowa (Companies A and B were detached months earlier to fight Indians in Minnesota) recruited new members from the Union-supporting residents of Savannah. On Sunday morning, April 6th the 14th Iowa was marched south “toward the sound of the guns” and upon witnessing a distant hoard wearing butternut emerging from the trees below them, Colonel Tuttle directed the 14th Iowa to line along a trail to the ESE along the top of the slope. When fully deployed, the regiment almost connected with the 500 remaining men of General Prentiss’s Sixth Division (Prentiss soon to be reinforced by the 23rd Missouri in a position to become known as The Thicket.) And the 8th Iowa was detached from Sweeny’s Brigade to fill the gap between Prentiss and the 14th Iowa. After holding the position nearly eight hours, the 14th Iowa Infantry was surrendered by Colonel Shaw (with Corporal Sutton one of those captured.) In October 1862 Lewis Sutton (along with all the surviving Shiloh Prisoners) was released from confinement at Camp Oglethorpe (Macon, Georgia) and returned to Union lines; and in early 1863 the reformed 14th Iowa returned to duty. The loss of men due to battle and disease resulted in promotion of veteran soldiers: Lewis Sutton gained advancement to Sergeant Major. And for the remainder of his enlistment, Sergeant Major Sutton assisted the Regimental Adjutant with keeping the Ledger of the 14th Iowa: Muster rolls, casualty lists, record of significant occurrences… it reads like a diary. Lewis Sutton’s enlistment expired end of 1864 and he returned to Iowa, and eventually went into business at Mount Pleasant, and then at Ottumwa. In 1893 Mr. Sutton relocated his family to Vancouver Washington, established a business, and lived out the rest of his life (Lewis Sutton died July 1914 at the age of 75.) Fifty years later, Lewis Sutton’s granddaughter donated his Civil War materials to the local historical society (Clark County Washington Historical Society.) The brown leather satchel containing Sergeant Major Sutton’s materials was stored in the basement… and it appears no one bothered to investigate the contents until 2011. And even in 2011, they did not realize what they had in their possession (calling it “Lewis Sutton’s Diary.”) It is actually the Regimental Ledger for the 14th Iowa Infantry, and should have gone into the Official Records storage of the War Department after the Civil War ended. But, somehow, Sergeant Major Sutton ended up with it. And it is now in the possession of the Clark County Historical Society. Why is this important? Most researchers never see a Regimental Ledger, or what it contains (these Ledgers are now kept by NARA and are difficult for interested parties to access.) This particular 14th Iowa Ledger should contain the names of all the Savannah Tennessee men recruited into service before the Battle of Shiloh. And the Ledger provides an excellent example of how the Casualty List was maintained. References: https://www.columbian.com/news/2011/jul/19/donated-satchel-yields-writings-of-a-civil-war-sol/ Lewis Sutton's diary https://www.columbian.com/news/2014/apr/02/clark-county-historical-museum-civil-war-exhibit/ 2014 exhibition at Clark County H.S. of Vancouver Washington https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/139406853 Lewis Wells Sutton 14th Iowa Infantry Co.I
  10. 17th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, aka "The Wisconsin Irish Brigade" The 17th Wisconsin, consisting of a majority of men with Irish Last names, began forming at the end of 1861. (One man who intended to join the regiment as Quartermaster with rank of Second Lieutenant was Thomas Reynolds; but there were prolonged delays, and an opportunity presented that caused Reynolds to transfer to the 16th Wisconsin and be rewarded with rank of Major.) On 15 March 1862 the 17th Regiment was mustered into service at Camp Randall… but immediately, there was a problem: the newly mustered soldiers believed they were entitled to pay for enlisting; and they refused to leave Camp Randall until that pay was received. Colonel Doran talked to his men; and then Governor Harvey talked to the men; and over the course of three days, convinced them that the money owing would be paid in St. Louis. Whiskey flowed freely, and it appears the 17th Wisconsin made its way to St. Louis in dribs and drabs: about 400 in the first group, then 150 in the second group, and the final “mutineers” (upon learning that Mulligan’s Regiment was on its way from Chicago “to deal with them”) gave up their struggle and boarded the cars for St. Louis. During the delayed departure, a barracks burned on March 19th, killing one private outright (and another soldier died of his injuries shortly afterwards.) It appears the first elements of the 17th Wisconsin began arriving at St. Louis on March 25th 1862. The men of Company E were on hand March 26th and were assigned detached duty from the straggling 17th Wisconsin on board the steamer, Imperial. The relatively new paddle steamer appears to have arrived at St. Louis on March 25 or 26, but Imperial did not leave until March 28th. And this “lingering about St. Louis” tends to indicate “special cargo” (either provisions, ammunition, beef cattle or mules or wagons.) The men of Company E (and possibly Company H, as well) stopped at Cairo; was manifested to stop at Paducah; and arrived at Pittsburg Landing before April 3rd. If the cargo was mules or beef cattle, those may have been unloaded at the holding pen at Metal Landing, just south of Fort Henry. Any other cargo was likely transported to Pittsburg Landing (and the men of the 17th Wisconsin, Company E (and possibly Company H) unloaded that cargo there. The Imperial departed, and is reported as having arrived at St. Louis by April 8th (only to depart again on April 9th for service back at Pittsburg Landing as Hospital Boat.) The men on detached service from the 17th Wisconsin are recorded as joining the Second Division (McArthur’s Brigade) and were likely present during the Battle of Shiloh. But there is no evidence of “how active” were the contributions provided by Companies E or H in the fight of April 6 or 7. First problem: there are no casualties recorded. Only Private Ebenezer Wescott’s letters indicate limited participation by “some men” of the 17th Wisconsin (possibly in conjunction with McArthur’s force, or perhaps attached to the 16th Wisconsin in vicinity of the Hornet’s Nest); and if so engaged, that 17th Wisconsin contribution was led by First Lieutenant James McDermott Roe. The Captain of Company E (John McGowan) disappeared during the Battle of Shiloh… as did a number of men of the Companies E and H (two from Co. E and five from Co. H are recorded as deserters at this time.) Captain McGowan eventually turned up, but he subsequently resigned his commission in July 1862, changed his name to McGourin, and lived quietly in Washington State until his death in 1900. Meanwhile, Colonel Doran and the bulk of his 17th Wisconsin arrived at St. Louis and went into camp at Benton Barracks until about 10 April 1862. Transported to Pittsburg Landing by middle of April, the Regiment joined the Sixth Division (BGen McKean) and Colonel Doran took command of the 1st Brigade (Peabody’s Brigade.) Attached to the 1st Brigade were the 16th Wisconsin, 17th Wisconsin, 21st Missouri and 25th Missouri. LtCol Adam Malloy took command of the 17th Wisconsin in Colonel Doran’s absence. And the Wisconsin Irish Brigade joined the Siege of Corinth. References: http://genealogytrails.com/wis/military/cw/17thWIInfReg.html 17th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry rosters and casualty records http://content.wisconsinhistory.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/quiner/id/18036/show/17678/rec/75 Quiner's Scrapbooks (pages 25 - 35) https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/50481045/john-mcgourin Captain John "McGowan" McGourin at find-a-grave https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/43664851/james-mcdermott-roe Then- Lieutenant James McDermott Roe of Company E 17th Wisconsin who is credited by M. Ebenezer Wescott with "leading Company E at Battle of Shiloh." Roe was promoted to Captain, and was wounded at Vicksburg. When his term of service with the 17th Wisconsin expired, he joined the newly-organized 189th Ohio Infantry as Lieutenant Colonel.
  11. The following link provides depictions of the Battle Flags of the 17th Wisconsin Infantry: http://www.wisconsinbattleflags.com/units-flags/17th-wisconsin.php "Forward: Wisconsin's Civil War Battle Flags." It is recorded that the 17th Wisconsin (also known as Wisconsin Irish Brigade) went into battle displaying three flags: a blue Wisconsin-focus Regimental flag, a National Flag (similar to the one depicted on the above site, showing 17th Wisconsin Veteran Volunteer Infantry) and a green flag (similar to the Company B flag) thus: http://www.loeser.us/flags/civil-irish.html [at Historical Flag site, scroll down to 17th Wisconsin Infantry.] Which of the above flags were present at Battle of Shiloh? None of the above (because the Regimental flags remained with the color company; or with "the largest portion of the regiment" ...which was in transit from Wisconsin to St. Louis.) It is likely that Company E (and perhaps Company H) brought their Company Flags to Pittsburg Landing; and these probably resembled the Company B flag. [The following tune provided by Pomerodia on YouTube]:
  12. The following two letters were written by 17 year old Private M. E. Wescott to his mother in Farmington, Wisconsin. Ebenezer and his school friend, Samuel McClements, decided one day to wag school, run away and join a Wisconsin regiment (and must have lied about their ages to enlist without parental permission.) Briefly at Camp Randall, the two lads were soon underway with their regiment, bound for St. Louis. But, while the rest of the regiment went into camp at Benton Barracks, Company E boarded the steamer Imperial, departed St. Louis end of March, and arrived at Pittsburg Landing about four days later. References: https://archive.org/details/civilwarletters100wesc/page/n2 Civil War Letters by M. Ebenezer Wescott https://archive.org/details/rosterofwisconsi02wisco/page/64 Roster of Wisconsin Regiments https://digital.shsmo.org/digital/collection/dmr/id/15002/rec/3165 Daily Missouri Republican of 29 MAR 1862 reporting departure of steamer Imperial
  13. very interesting...many of whom were originally from tenn moved to tx after the war
  14. Fifty years after the end of the Civil War, an astute author realized that the men who had made History, and their stories were in imminent danger of being lost forever. So, Mamie Yeary set out across Texas (and had manuscripts sent her) to record as many “average Johnnies” as possible. Their stories, brief and poignant, leave the reader “wishing for more” …which may be possible, because many kept diaries; and almost all wrote letters during the war. And, with a name (and combat unit designation) we now have a starting point… especially for the scores of Confederate Shiloh veterans who made these pages: https://archive.org/details/reminiscencesofbv1year/page/1 Reminiscences of the Boys in Gray (1912) by Mamie Yeary. https://archive.org/details/reminiscencesofb00year/page/n5 Reminiscences (Vol.2) [See pages 428 - 9 William Lee 6th Arkansas; pp.515 - 7 John Middleton 23rd Tennessee, for examples of what is available by searching for "Shiloh." Also, pp. 884 - 890 lists almost every skirmish and battle in Tennessee (and surrounding pages list almost every skirmish, action and battle in every State during the 1861 - 1865 War.)]
  15. Ozzy

    Mankato's Shiloh

    Mona Thanks for having a look at the Mankato article IRT the Battle of Shiloh (but focusing on the performance of Munch's 1st Minnesota Battery.) The info concerning Munch and Pfaender and Peebles is quite good, and some of it was new to me. But the general background relating the Battle of Shiloh: at least eleven errors... Ouch!
  16. mona

    Mankato's Shiloh

    well the council of war was at corinth/bark road but there is not a church there.and the wqriting leads the reader to believe the fedreal troops held their ground at the dawn battle but they were pushed behind their camp lines by the advancing confederate troops.will have to read the rest of this.
  17. The April 1st Raid and Sherman’s Acting-Commander There is another aspect to the 1 April 1862 raid worth considering: Brigadier General Sherman’s absence from Pittsburg Landing. In accordance with Special Orders No.36 dated 26 March 1862 Major General C.F. Smith had been designated as Commander, Post of Pittsburg. But because General Smith had severely barked his shin, was no longer ambulatory, and was installed in a private Hospital upstairs in the Cherry Mansion, Smith was unable to perform his duties at Pittsburg Campground; so Brigadier General William Tecumseh Sherman was designated acting-Commander during Smith’s absence. With General Smith upstairs in the Cherry Mansion, bedridden; and General Sherman away on another expedition to attempt to cut the M & C Railroad, who was acting-Commander of the Post of Pittsburg in Sherman’s absence? Was an acting-Commander designated?
  18. Thanks to Manassas Belle for posting one of the very few available Letters from James Birdseye McPherson: an extraordinary man and gifted Union officer. I stumbled upon a recent video that acts as solid Biography of McPherson, and this looks to be a good place to post it. As we know, James Birdseye McPherson eventually rose to the rank of Major General and became one of U.S. Grant’s most trusted and most valuable officers, contributing mightily to the success at Vicksburg in 1863. Prior to Vicksburg, McPherson played a couple of interesting roles at Pittsburg Landing. But McPherson commenced his active Civil War career as Lieutenant Colonel, assigned to the Staff of Henry Halleck at St. Louis. Before the Campaign against Fort Henry, LtCol McPherson joined Brigadier General Grant’s embryonic army… and never left. McPherson rose to eventual command of the Army of the Tennessee (after Sherman, and before Logan, Howard, Logan.) The link below is to a c-span video discussing the Military Career of James B. McPherson, conducted by Steven E. Woodworth. The introduction is provided by a Civil War reenactor, playing the role of another Shiloh participant, Andrew Hickenlooper. And the most important segments of the video run from the 9 minute 30 second mark (McPherson joins Halleck at St. Louis) to the 28 minute mark (conclusion of Battle of Shiloh.) https://www.c-span.org/video/?320621-1/discussion-james-b-mcpherson-army-tennessee Presented at Clyde, Ohio July 2014 (150 years after death of McPherson.)
  19. Not sure if anyone knows, but as Shiloh is an NPS site, does the tour guide have to been "sanctioned" or approved by the park before leading paid tours there? I ask for my own personal interest, which means leading tours at other NPS sites, and having to jump through more hoops just to get approval to lead tours at Wild Cat Mountain (a Forestry Service site), I wonder if the hoops dance has to be performed at places like Shiloh.
  20. Ozzy

    Mankato's Shiloh

    Spot the obvious errors in the following April 2018 report: http://mankatotimes.com/2018/04/03/a-moment-in-time-saving-the-day-at-shiloh/
  21. The dozens of letters exchanged by Elisa and Braxton Bragg are instructive for revealing observations and interpretation of events taking place during the War of the Rebellion, in real time. One of the best letters is that of 29 MAR 1862 from Braxton Bragg to Elisa (for providing more details of activities in and around Corinth.) This letter is available at SDG, filed under "Retreat from Kentucky." As regards General Braxton Bragg's observations, it must be remembered that Bragg had been in Pensacola since March 1861 training an Army that eventually numbered 18,000 and he was rightfully proud of that highly trained and disciplined Army. He sent the best of that force (approximately 10,000 men) north to take part in Beauregard's and Johnston's Grand Scheme; and by virtue of comparison, Bragg was not impressed with the other Rebel "soldiers" he encountered. And he described those others as "a mob." Of course, if one recognizes which elements of the Army of the Mississippi advanced the farthest on Sunday 6 April 1862, Bragg appears to have had sound foundation to his bias. [Other Letters between Elisa and Braxton Bragg, and communications between General Bragg and Confederate officials accessible via SDG Topic, "Bragg's Memoirs" and filed under "Campfire." ]
  22. Of more importance to the Battle of Shiloh is the observation of General Bragg as to the condition of the Confederate Army concentrating in Corinth. Bragg was appalled at the supply situation and the discipline of the troops. He called them, "a mob" and not an Army. He was ordered to get them some training and to do his best to prepare them for Battle. Their weapons were inferior. They had plenty of cannons, but not enough trained crews to man them. A point to make for the Battle of Shiloh-- Johnston went in on a hope and a prayer that surprise and the bayonet would win the day. Braxton Bragg agreed with that after what he witnessed. Not saying the Southerners were not brave or worthy, just that they were thrown into Battle with little formal training and a lack of needed supplies-- Class A firearms one of them...
  23. Ozzy

    Did Grant kill Smith?

    Grant’s too-close involvement with Smith, part three With Brigadier General C.F. Smith esconsed in his upstairs bedroom at the Cherry Mansion, Major General Grant received an intriguing communication from Brigadier General W. T. Sherman on 18 MAR 1862 (in the form of an endorsement attached to a request from acting-Brigadier General Lauman regarding “possibilities for creation of temporary Hospitals” and found on page 489 of Papers of US Grant vol.4) : “I understand that General Smith has arrived, and it is his duty to determine this question.” [Where has General Smith arrived? His Second Division has been ordered to Pittsburg Landing by General Grant, and is in process of disembarking, but C.F. Smith is not with them. And with Major General Grant now in theatre, why would not Grant, as senior officer, be the one to “determine this question?” ] My own feeling is that this communication from Sherman initiated the ruse to make use of “the absent General Smith” as Commander of the Pittsburg Landing campground (and thus deny rightful seniority to General John McClernand, come his promotion to Major General.) The “unfit for duty” Smith was comfortable, and assumed to be on the mend, upstairs in the Cherry Mansion. Why not make use of the opportunity provided by Smith’s temporary absence to “settle a grievance?” [U.S. Grant and John McClernand had experienced an irreparable fracture in their friendship, following on the ineffective pursuit of fleeing Rebels during the Fort Henry operation, and disagreed on just who was to blame for that tardy pursuit.] On 20 MAR 1862, with General McClernand and his First Division still in vicinity of Savannah, Major General Grant sent a communication to “Major General” Smith, directing him to, “Instruct General Sherman to fortify himself partially and to make no stand against a superior force should he be attacked.” [General Smith was just upstairs in the Cherry Mansion, unfit for duty; yet Grant was pretending that Smith was well enough to be in command at Pittsburg Landing, and overseeing the activities of Brigadier General Sherman (Papers of US Grant, vol.4 page 397).] Where did the idea for this “ruse” against McClernand come from? From General W. T. Sherman, who had witnessed, and been party to, a similar “Shell Game” at Benton Barracks, operated by his friend, Major General Henry Halleck, and also involving Generals Stephen Hurlbut and W. K. Strong. [In Halleck’s version of the ruse, each of the three generals at Benton Barracks was referred to as “Commander” or “Commandant of the Camp of Instruction,” deflecting attention from the fact Sherman was there to “steady his nerves,” and the drunkard Hurlbut (a friend of Sherman’s) was there to “dry out.” But, it was all for a good cause: two damaged Generals were fixed and returned to active service; and no one died in consequence of Halleck’s Shell Game.] Grant sent another communication to “Major General C.F. Smith, commanding forces at Pittsburg Tennessee” on March 20th advising him in regard to operation of forage wagons. And another communication to Major General Smith at Pittsburg that same day directed Smith to, “Assign the 16th Wisconsin, Colonel B. Allen, for duty.” Also on March 20th, Grant sent a communication to Brigadier General McClernand at Savannah, directing him, “Make immediate preparations for shipping two brigades of your command to Pittsburg, Tennessee.” [From the above, found on pages 398 – 399 it is obvious that Grant knows of the impending official promotion of C.F. Smith, John McClernand (and Lew Wallace) due to occur next day, March 21st. Grant assumed Smith would be senior to McClernand; and it is safe to assume that Captain McMichael, Smith’s AAG, has been “brought into the conspiracy” to occupy the Second Division HQ on the bluffs above Pittsburg Landing, take receipt of official communications, and forward them as required, including to General Smith’s actual location at the Cherry Mansion.] On March 23rd Grant directed Smith, commanding forces at Pittsburg Tennessee to “Carry out your idea of occupying and partially fortifying Pea Ridge.” Major General Smith replied (to AAG John Rawlins) that same day, “Please say to the General that I have directed Brigadier General Sherman to make a reconnaissance in strong force about Pea Ridge.” This exchange of letters between Grant at Savannah, and Smith “in charge of U.S. Forces at Pittsburg Tennessee” continued until the end of March. On March 26th IAW Special Orders No.36 Line Item No.6 Major General Grant appointed MGen Charles F. Smith “to Command of the Post at Pittsburg Tennessee.” [And although Grant claimed in Special Orders No.36 that “Smith was the senior officer at the Post of Pittsburg,” this claim was untrue. Hence, Orders No.36 were unlawful.] The need for these late-enacted orders appears to be to allow for Smith, as recognized commander at Post of Pittsburg, to designate an acting-Commander in his absence; and Brigadier General Sherman began acting as Smith’s appointed acting-Commander about March 26th. And this arrangement only worked 1) as long as McClernand believed he was junior to Smith, and 2) as long as Smith remained within the Military District of West Tennessee. If an unfit for duty Smith departed that district for, say, his home in Philadelphia, a proper replacement for Smith had to be identified, and installed as Commander, U.S. Forces at Pittsburg Tennessee. [Same again, if John McClernand realized he was in fact the senior officer, and could prove it… ] And as much as U.S. Grant would likely have preferred to “avoid the ruse,” and install fellow West Pointer William T. Sherman as “Commander, U.S. Forces at Pittsburg Tennessee” the fact that after March 21st Sherman remained Brigadier General, while John McClernand was promoted Major General, meant that that appointment could not legally happen. How does the above tie in with General Smith’s death? If U.S. Grant had been asked, “Why did you not send Smith away for comprehensive care?” Grant could not very well respond, “I needed him to remain within the District in order to continue my Seniority Deception Operation against MGen McClernand.”
  24. Ozzy

    Did Grant kill Smith?

    Russell Thanks for your interest in this topic, which merely asks, "Did Grant kill Smith?" Not an assertion; not a conspiracy theory. Just a valid line of enquiry, with no pre-determined outcome. Because, in the end, Smith died. The point of this exercise is to determine whether more could have been done, possibly leading to a better outcome for Major General Charles F. Smith.
  25. I think you are reaching on this one.
  26. Ozzy

    Did Grant kill Smith?

    Grant’s too-close involvement with Smith, part two Major General U.S. Grant first became aware of General Smith’s boat mishap via steamer-delivered message from Smith, dated 13 MAR 1862. Subsequently, General Grant assessed Smith’s condition on March 17th (and moved General Smith into the upstairs bedroom at the Cherry Mansion); and commented on Smith’s bedridden condition in his Memoirs (page 274) as the reason Brigadier General WHL Wallace was assigned to acting command of Smith’s Second Division. But U.S. Grant made these observations as a layman, not as a trained physician. Brigadier General C.F. Smith’s personal physician at Savannah was Surgeon Henry Hewitt (who also acted as Medical Director for the Army of West Tennessee.) It was Hewitt who converted every empty house and unused building in Savannah into Hospitals, the whole network capable of tending over 1000 men. And as far as is known, Smith enjoyed ready access to Surgeon Hewitt. Major General Grant also had a personal physician with him when he arrived at Savannah: Surgeon John H. Brinton. So, a “second opinion” should have been available, especially when it was realized after a few days that General Smith was not getting better. But, study of Surgeon Brinton’s Memoirs seems to indicate NO contact with Charles F. Smith; and then, Surgeon Brinton was sent away by General Grant on March 22nd to conduct business in St. Louis and Cairo (he did not return to Pittsburg Landing until April, after Shiloh.) In Surgeon Brinton’s Memoirs, the only recorded meeting he had with C.F. Smith was at Savannah on April 25th at the request of General Grant. Surgeon Brinton travelled by steamer from Pittsburg Landing and found Smith upstairs in the Cherry Mansion (his Hospital-for-one had long since become a Hospice); General Smith was in bed, unconscious, and obviously in the final stages of dying (which occurred that afternoon at 4 o’clock.) The implication: no second opinion was accorded General Smith, despite his declining health, until there was no chance of his recovery.
  27. Ozzy

    Did Grant kill Smith?

    Grant’s too-close involvement with Smith, part one Of the above items, “Why General Grant persisted in maintaining his HQ at Savannah” is primarily concerning because of the obvious impact on the conduct of the Battle of Shiloh, and the Commanding General’s hours-long absence from the field, morning of 6 April 1862. But, Grant’s use of the Cherry Mansion as HQ had other peculiar implications. This is the dilemma: C.F. Smith was already aboard a steamer, the Hiawatha, when General Grant re-joined his Army in vicinity of Savannah. And Smith informed Grant that, “he was barely able to limp through the cabin from one chair to another.” If Grant had left General Smith aboard the Hiawatha and medevac’d him away to a Hospital – ANY Hospital – north of Savannah, no one could fault U.S. Grant for exercising due care. And whatever happened to Smith, during the voyage or afterwards, was beyond control of General Grant. However… this medical evacuation did not occur. And the state of affairs changed with the removal of Smith from the Hiawatha by General Grant; and the installation of Smith in an ad hoc Hospital-for-one, upstairs in the Cherry Mansion, the same building which also happened to be Grant’s HQ …by General Grant. And Grant’s downstairs “offices of HQ” acted as gate-keeper for access to General Smith. (Many did not realize Smith was there, but assumed he was in the field at Pittsburg Landing campground.) Again, if Smith had been deposited in “the best ad hoc Hospital available in Savannah or Pittsburg Landing” the arm’s length nature of Grant’s involvement with Smith’s care could by verified as such. But by taking a controlling role in the provision of Smith’s care, Grant assumed more than a modicum of interest in the outcome (same as if you or I brought a sick friend, or work colleague into our Home, and arranged for personal care of that person: our input, our decisions, have consequences, for which we can be held liable.) And as for General Smith’s condition: as far as can be determined, it progressively deteriorated. There is no indication that he could manage the stairs at the Cherry Mansion, and so it must be assumed that he remained upstairs and had his meals brought to him. As well, he likely made use of a bedpan instead of attempting visits to the outside privy. Soon, Charles F. Smith could no longer walk; became bedridden. This condition never improved. And Major General Grant returned to the Cherry Mansion every night, and was witness to Smith’s declining health (which became so obvious that Henry Halleck ordered Smith’s medical evacuation on or about April 14th.)
  1. Load more activity
×
×
  • Create New...