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Found 68 results

  1. ( Confederate Veteran Magazine, March 1895.) Much deserving credit is accorded Major D. W. Reed in helping make Shiloh NMP what it is today. But, "unrecognized others" were just as necessary to the creation of, "the wondrous preserve that is Shiloh NMP and Cemetery" (including the survey team, pictured above.) In Confederate Veteran (volume 3, edition of March 1895, pages 75 - 77) begins an extensive article that details work of some of the other men (and provides photographs): Colonel E T. Lee and Captain J. W. Irwin, just two mentioned. Others include Colonel Cornelius Cadle (Park Commissioner), General Don Carlos Buell (Park Commissioner -- page 104), and Captain James Williams (Assistant Secretary of Shiloh Battlefield Association, former member of Brewer's Cavalry Battalion, then living in Savannah Tennessee.) The article begins with an "invitation to attend the Second Reunion at Shiloh, to be held April 5 and 6 1895 at Pittsburg Landing," and flows into a description of the work done by Colonel E. T. Lee of Monticello Illinois (Secretary of the Shiloh Battlefield Association.) E. T. Lee also wrote a four column article on Battle of Shiloh (included in references at bottom.) On page 77 the details of Captain J. W. Irwin are revealed (former member of Confederate Cavalry that was absorbed into N. B. Forrest's command.) A two-page article detailing service with General Forrest is included. Much additional information is to be found in volumes 3 and 4 of Confederate Veteran, but the Index does not allow effective searching. [Best to click on the "Catalog Record," below; select the desired volume; and in Search Box at top of that volume, insert "Shiloh" for references IRT the creation of the Military Park.] Regards Ozzy References: http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044035882372;view=1up;seq=104 Confederate Veteran, volume 3. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000528187 Catalog Record for Confederate Veteran Magazine (all issues, 1893 - 1922.) http://newspapers.library.in.gov/cgi-bin/indiana?a=d&d=INN18950302-01.1.11 Indianapolis News of 2 MAR 1895, page 11, "Shiloh Memorial Park" by E. T. Lee. N.B. Did anyone else notice the steamboat in the background? Might be the Edgar Cherry.
  2. Review of Badeau

    Sometimes it is good to return to a reference you have not paid attention to in a while, if only to realize "how much your own knowledge has grown." Sometimes, unexpected revelations are uncovered that were, somehow, missed "the first time around." Such is the case with the attached work (only that portion detailing the period between Fort Donelson and start of Battle of Shiloh subjected to scrutiny. But for our purposes, that is enough.) The original work was released in time for the Presidential Campaign of 1868. http://archive.org/details/militaryhistory02badegoog 1885 edition of U. S. Grant Biography by Adam Badeau Review of Adam Badeau’s “Lead-up to Battle of Shiloh” (contained in pages 58 – 76 of The Military History of Ulysses S. Grant: April 1861 to April 1865, Volume One, published 1867) Adam Badeau (1831 – 1895) was an author and essayist working in New York when the Civil War erupted. In 1862 he decided to “throw in with the Union” and was incorporated onto the Staff of T. W. Sherman (the other General Sherman, Thomas, who until May 1862 was mostly involved “back East.”) To be part of Henry Halleck’s Crawl to Corinth, General T. W. Sherman was called west and placed in command of a Division; and Adam Badeau came, too. Badeau was later wounded during the Siege of Port Hudson (1863) and was sent home to recover. Finally healed in early 1864, and at the urging of John Rawlins, Adam Badeau was “brought into the Staff Family” of U. S. Grant (and served as “Military Secretary.”) LtCol Badeau developed and maintained a close connection to General (and soon-to-be President) Grant that continued until the end of Grant’s life. Late in 1867 Adam Badeau published a book (that might be called, “the Authorized Biography of U.S. Grant”) but was instead titled, The Military History of Ulysses S. Grant: from April 1861 to April 1865, Volume One. Because Adam Badeau intended to cover Grant’s entire Civil War career, Volume One did end with Lee’s Surrender at Appomattox (but the extent of material that became available caused Badeau to rework “Grant’s Military History” into a two-volume set, released in 1881 and 1885.) In meantime, “other things” got in the way: Grant ran for President in 1868; and Adam Badeau accepted one official posting after another, putting the “extended version” of Grant’s Authorized Biography on hold, for a while. Despite the Preface to Volume One claiming, “I have not meant to state one fact unless it came under my own personal observation, or has been told to me by the General or one of his important officers, or unless I know it from Official Papers,” there is evidently a lot of “massaging” that took place before Adam Badeau released this work to the public in 1867. Grant’s “Military Secretary” was a strong supporter (and promoter) of the General: wherever possible, Badeau placed Grant in a favourable light. That being said, it is still worth reading this Biography (if for nothing else, to find out the original source of many of the “Grant claims” that persist to the present day.) Also consider: Badeau was not at Shiloh; so the information presented likely came direct from U.S. Grant and John Rawlins. [This review covers only the period following Success at Fort Donelson, until commencement of Battle of Shiloh, and is available for free use – Ozzy.] Beginning Page 58 is to be found, “On February 21st, C. F. Smith took Clarksville.” [Grant had authorized Smith to take Clarksville on 21 FEB 1862, but Smith may not have completed establishing his force there, drawn from the Second Division at Fort Donelson, until the 23rd. Why is this important? Because of the timing of Grant’s trip to Nashville: if the reader assumes Grant inspected Smith’s force at Clarksville on or about February 21st, then General Grant has time to return to Fort Donelson before making the voyage to Nashville, some date closer to the 27th – see OR 7 page 649. ] [The presentation of the Nashville Visit is of interest because it introduces many of the “tools of massage” made use, later, by Badeau; to include time compression or time extension (as required); sequence of events out of order; omission of inconvenient facts; obfuscation. Outright lies are only resorted to rarely, and usually presented in a cloak of “possibly being true.”] [See SDG “The Real Story of Nashville” for comparison of two versions of the same Visit to Nashville, remembering it was 100 river miles from Nashville to Fort Donelson.] Page 59 relates the reaction of U.S. Grant to being “caught in the act” of visiting Nashville without authority: Badeau attempts to persuade the reader that Grant “did nothing wrong” in going to Nashville; he had simply “asked for permission in a novel way” (if permission was not specifically withheld, Grant assumed he had authority to go.) Badeau conveniently leaves out the 25 FEB telegram (recorded in Sherman’s Memoirs) in which Henry Halleck directed General Grant to “move across to Fort Henry and establish your HQ there.” Grant takes the stance of “wronged party” and states that “his intentions were simply misunderstood” and the unreliable telegraph system delayed receipt of orders, and the sending of his own reports… and, besides, the new District of West Tennessee had no defined boundaries (conveniently ignoring that whatever those boundaries were, they were completely contained within Halleck’s Department of the Missouri... and subject to Halleck’s oversight.) [Halleck was yet to be awarded expansion of his Department; and he needed to keep on friendly terms with Buell. But Grant and Badeau would both know that the average reader was not familiar with the specifics of Army Command Structure.] [On 11 MAR 1862 Henry Halleck gained “promotion” to an expanded area of responsibility – the Department of the Mississippi. This expanded department incorporated everything Halleck desired west of the Mississippi; and included the absorption of Buell’s District (and continued control over Grant’s District.) This expanded authority gave Henry Halleck ability to formulate and launch operations into southwest Missouri; down the Mississippi River; and along the Cumberland and Tennessee River valleys. And this huge development is simply not mentioned by Badeau (page 62 is where the reader should find this.)] [Instead, from page 63 there begins a number of pages of seemingly endless exchanges between Halleck and senior officials “back East” which ends with Badeau asserting that “General Grant’s new District had undefined boundaries” ( ...so order is delivered from chaos).] On page 66, after implying that “General Grant was unjustly removed from command of the Tennessee River Expedition,” Badeau relates Halleck’s reinstatement of Grant to command on March 13th, with the direction, “Do not bring on a general engagement at Paris.” Badeau goes on to relate “conditions and situation at Savannah, Crump’s and Pittsburg,” as Grant found them, upon his arrival March 17th: · Pittsburg Landing had been selected by C. F. Smith; · C. F. Smith had been unsuccessful at cutting the railroad (and the introduction of Corinth as “a position of first strategic importance” is made known to the reader); · Badeau seems to indicate “fore-knowledge” that Grant possessed IRT the Confederate build-up at Corinth being ultimately aimed at an attack against Pittsburg Landing. [The intention is to portray Buell as “tardy” in his arrival at Savannah; but leaves the unintended question: “If Grant suspected they were coming, why no entrenchments?”] · Also, if Buell was unnecessarily tardy, why did General Grant tell General Bull Nelson to “expect transport to Pittsburg Landing on Monday or Tuesday, at the earliest” and to General Buell’s request for a meeting on April 5th, reply to that officer “He would be at Savannah to meet him April 6th?” (see OR 10 pages 330 – 331 Jacob Ammen’s Diary; and OR 11 page 91 and Papers of US Grant vol.5 page 16. ) Beginning page 69 is the “difficulty presented by John McClernand,” first by not following orders “issued within two hours of Grant’s arrival at Savannah” for McClernand’s Division to move to Pittsburg Landing. [The reader is left wondering, “How could obviously incompetent McClernand spend a week moving nine miles?”] Next, John McClernand is introduced as the “initiator” of Rank and Seniority problems at Pittsburg Landing. [Never mind that Grant attempted to deny McClernand his rightful position as “acting commander” at Pittsburg in Grant’s absence; or that McClernand was senior to C.F. Smith… and McClernand was responding to an injustice performed by his commander. Or that McClernand’s Division was delayed getting to Pittsburg due to Grant’s own decisions (including the Pinhook Expedition, which had to be authorized by General Grant or General Smith.)] On page 70 U.S. Grant (through Badeau) provides reasons why he remained at the Cherry Mansion: he had to organize arriving troops; he had to be able to communicate with General Buell. The situation “was on its way to being resolved” (according to Badeau) when Grant released a communication on March 27th indicating his intention to move to Pittsburg Landing; and Grant especially meant to go when John McClernand started causing problems… but something always came up. And then, he had to wait for Buell… B. M. Prentiss gets his share of massaging [but why?] “March 26th is when the Sixth Division was formed” [but Prentiss was not there until March 30th, at the earliest.] The first reported interaction of Benjamin Prentiss with anyone at Pittsburg Landing occurred on April 1st when Prentiss tasked Madison Miller with command of the 2nd Brigade. [Why was it necessary to artificially extend Prentiss’s time in the field at Pittsburg Landing?] On page 71, Badeau massages “Do not bring on a general engagement” into “Do not bring on an engagement until Buell arrives.” [Henry Halleck had had communications with both Buell and Grant in which he indicated intention to take personal command and lead the combined Army of Grant and Buell towards Corinth – see OR 11 pages 64, 66, 94 and SDG “Not just pictures” post of 5 July 2017 “Halleck to come after Island No.10 agony is over” – Agate. ] Also on page 71, Badeau claims, “In accordance with Halleck’s orders, General Grant remained strictly on the defensive…” [without realizing the obvious question that generates: “Then why no defensive works?”] As to “the surprise” of April 6 – “The frequent skirmishes, beginning April 2nd, kept the men on alert” [found on page 72.] On April 4th Lew Wallace reported “a big force of Rebels at Purdy and at Bethel” [which is obviously an attempt to justify the orders that came later, at Crump’s Landing on April 6th.] “From Lew Wallace’s report, General Grant notified WHL Wallace to be ready to support Lew Wallace.” On page 73, Bull Nelson is recorded as having reported to General Grant on April 5th “and Grant marched Nelson south of Savannah in order to be across from Pittsburg Landing, only five miles away, in the event of trouble.” [It gets better…] “Since Lew Wallace’s troops rebuilt the Wallace Bridge over Snake Creek, they should have been familiar with [that route leading to Pittsburg Landing.]” [McPherson restored that bridge, but did not finish the job.] After issuing orders to Lew Wallace on the morning of April 6th, General Grant “hurried on to Landing at Pittsburg, arriving there at about 8 o’clock” [p. 76.] References as cited.
  3. Spoils of War

    While researching the 18th Missouri Infantry, ran across an interesting article in the St. Joseph Morning Herald for 22 May 1862 (page 2 col.4, about halfway down): "The steamer Gladiator arrived at St. Louis with seven thousand damaged guns aboard, recovered from Battlefield of Shiloh." That's a lot of damaged guns... Ozzy Reference: http://digital.shsmo.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/stjoemh/id/424/rec/21 St. Joseph Morning Herald for 22 May 1862.
  4. W. James Morgan, a grocer from Brunswick Missouri, with experience involving militia organizations "back East," began recruiting Morgan's Rangers in mid-1861. Originally a mounted infantry battalion, the decision was made authorizing the expansion of Morgan's Rangers into a full-sized infantry regiment (and James Morgan was appointed Colonel.) In December 1861, the 18th Missouri Infantry completed its formation; and James Morgan continued operating in Northern Missouri (where his "unsavory practices" soon came to the attention of higher authority.) Colonel Morgan was removed from command, and replaced by Madison Miller. Madison Miller was a 50-year old "man of many talents," originally from Pennsylvania, who found himself "moving progressively westward" over the course of his life. In Illinois when the Mexican War broke out in 1846, Miller joined the 2nd Illinois Infantry Regiment and became Captain of Company I. Mentioned in Despatches at Buena Vista, Captain Miller mustered out with his regiment at the end of that war... and with nothing better to do, Madison Miller got caught up in Gold Fever and joined the Rush to California (where he spent three years: first as prospector; then as supplier of goods; finally, active in politics.) Done with California, Miller returned to Missouri and settled in Carondelet, a suburb of St. Louis along the Mississippi, and set up a steam ferry. Returning to politics, Madison Miller was elected Mayor of Carondelet (and also served in the State Legislature at Jefferson City.) And, going from strength to strength, Miller was appointed to the Board of Iron Mountain Railroad. In Jefferson City when the Rebellion broke out (and caught up in the pro-North/South-leaning chaos that was Missouri Politics) Madison Miller made his way to Washington, D.C., and offered his services in raising "a pro-Union militia company." Permission was granted, and "Captain" Miller returned to St. Louis, raised the company (which was incorporated into Frank Blair's 1st Missouri Infantry) and saw service at Battle of Wilson's Creek in August 1861. Partly due to the attrition at Wilson's Creek, and partly due to men refusing to reenlist after their three-month term of service expired, Madison Miller took those stalwarts that remained and established a new organization: Battery I of the 1st Missouri Light Artillery. His efforts in organizing the new organization and drilling the men caught the attention of former artillery officer, now Brigadier General John Schofield. So when a "change of command was needed" for the 18th Missouri Infantry, Captain Madison Miller was tapped to replace the in-disgrace James Morgan. Colonel Miller took command of the 18th Missouri effective 31 January 1862. It was deemed best to remove the 18th Missouri from Northern Missouri, so the regiment was assigned duty at Bird's Point. According to Madison Miller, on the way to that new duty station, the 18th Missouri was "re-tasked" with securing the transport by steamer of two enormous siege guns (see M. Miller bio, page 66). The siege guns were eventually delivered to Foote and Buford's forces in vicinity of Island No.10 and the 18th Missouri complied with their original orders and reported to Bird's Point. On 11 March 1862, IAW Special Orders No.220 issued at St. Louis, "the 18th Missouri and 81st Ohio are ordered to proceed to the District of West Tennessee and report to Major General Grant." The 81st Ohio showed up; but the 18th Missouri was diverted to Smithland Kentucky, near the mouth of the Cumberland River, and briefly occupied that post. On March 24th, IAW instructions sent from Henry Halleck to Brigadier General W. K. Strong at Cairo, "the Post at Smithland is to be disestablished: the Waterhouse Battery and the 18th Missouri are to be sent to U. S. Grant." There is evidence that Waterhouse's Battery reported to General Grant on March 30th. But, according to Madison Miller (Bio page 67) "he and his 18th Missouri did not report until seven days before the Battle of Shiloh" [which would be March 31st.] Colonel Miller continues: "I was ordered to report for duty with General Prentiss. But, no one knew where General Prentiss was... Eventually, I found a wagon and driver (the driver agreed to carry me to the Sixth Division, for a fee) and I was hauled two or three miles out, to Sixth Division Headquarters. An Adjutant directed me to a site, east of the HQ, where the 18th Missouri was to go into camp." "Next day [April 1st] I was approached by General Prentiss, and assigned as Commander of the 2nd Brigade of the Sixth Division... which shortly consisted of the 18th Missouri, 61st Illinois and 18th Wisconsin (and the 15th Michigan attempted to become part of the Brigade.)" Colonel Miller spent the next few days attempting to "organize his brigade," and hacking clear a parade ground (piling the shrubs, branches and stumps along one edge of the field.) On the morning of April 6th, Colonel Miller formed his 2nd Brigade along the north side of the cleared field, "behind the line of piled debris" ...but he was told by General Prentiss to "Move forward, [and engage the enemy..."] Ozzy References: wikipedia (for Madison Miller and W. James Morgan) http://www.trailsrus.com/civilwar/region1/smithland.html Smithland Kentucky http://cdm.sos.mo.gov/cdm/compoundobject/collection/nwmo/id/2569/rec/6 Personal Recollections of the 18th Missouri (including Madison Miller bio) http://www.findagrave.com/memorial/18469 Madison Miller at find-a-grave OR 52 pages 222 and 229.
  5. Just supposin'

    The 16th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment arrived at Savannah Tennessee on 19 March, having completed a major portion of the trip aboard the steamer, Planet. On March 20th, the 16th Wisconsin accomplished the final nine miles of the voyage, debarked at Pittsburg Landing (with 1065 men, having left sick men behind at Mound City General Hospital) and went into camp... with John McArthur's 2nd Brigade of Smith's Second Division. After about a week (about March 30th) the 16th Wisconsin was detached from McArthur (who is now a Brigadier General, and under arrest) and re-assigned to a new division being formed. But, all that existed at the end of March 1862 was a single brigade, commanded by Everett Peabody, consisting of a handful of infantry, including the 25th Missouri, 12th Michigan and 16th Wisconsin. The embryonic Division Number Six does not even have a division commander: Colonel Peabody fills that role, too; and establishes camp three miles south-southwest of Pittsburg Landing (IAW instructions received directly from General Grant.) On April 1st the man "selected" for command of the New Sixth Division arrived (not Grant's choice, as he wants John Pope Cook, who on April 1st is at Cairo Illinois, awaiting transport south.) But the man who arrived at Savannah on this day was selected by Henry Halleck: Benjamin Prentiss, who likely arrived aboard steamer Iatan (which is loaded with tons of ammunition and black powder for use of Grant's Army.) But, there exists "bad blood" between Benjamin Prentiss and Ulysses Grant, stemming from Prentiss "stealing" command and recognition "rightfully" belonging to Grant, which resulted in two direct confrontations, only resolved when the Commander in Missouri separated the two antagonists. General Prentiss was sent west, and General Grant was sent east; and so the matter rested... until now. Now, here was Brigadier General Prentiss reporting for duty to Major General Grant (no chance of "not knowing who was senior, this time.") How could "that meeting" between Grant and Prentiss have progressed? [My guess: official. Very official.] Tension so thick it could be scraped off the walls of the Cherry Mansion... Did Prentiss even get a chance to say anything, besides, "reporting for duty, General" and initiating the salute? Probably, after Grant acknowledged the official greeting. And then demanded to know, "Where have you been, General Prentiss?" (Because Grant knows that Prentiss detached from duty in Missouri on March 15th, and arrived at Cairo on March 23rd.) And General Grant used that knowledge to "assign" Benjamin Prentiss to Command of the Sixth Division through Special Orders No.36 -- dated March 26th. A command, without its commander... Maybe, with a bit of luck, Grant can charge Prentiss with "Unauthorized Absence," and place him under arrest (and remove him from command of the Sixth Division.) Benjamin Prentiss was likely able to talk his way out of difficulty, by revealing the "special assignments" he had carried out for General Grant's boss, Henry Halleck. Perhaps Grant was disappointed, losing the chance to arrest Prentiss, remove him from command, and "resolve their festering dispute, once and for all" ...especially with John Pope Cook so close at hand. But, no matter: there was still a chance, if Prentiss did anything to upset the operation of the Camp at Pittsburg Landing (such as, "not follow the orders issued by Brigadier General W.T. Sherman, acting commander" during the temporary absence of C.F. Smith, who was just upstairs, recuperating from an injured leg.) In particular, Brigadier General Prentiss would be advised to "be aware of new orders, issued daily" (and carry them out); "do not send away sick men from this command without permission." Do not send anyone away without express permission from this Headquarters. "Buell is on his way; once he arrives, we will commence our march to Corinth and engage the enemy." There are known to be battalions of Rebel cavalry hovering in vicinity of the Camp at Pittsburg Landing: they are not a threat, and are of no concern to us. What is of concern, is a directive sent from Henry Halleck: "Do nothing to bring on a General Engagement." Grant probably finished with: "Do you have any concerns that will prevent you from carrying out these instructions, General Prentiss?" Having no concerns worth mentioning, General Prentiss takes his leave, with a salute. That same day (definitely no later than April 2nd) Prentiss met Everett Peabody. And Grant issued General Orders No.33 assigning artillery and cavalry to Prentiss (by name.) On April 3rd, Benjamin Prentiss selected Lieutenant Richard Derickson of 16th Wisconsin, just returned from "special duties" (retrieving the now-healthy men from Mound City General Hospital, for duty at Pittsburg Landing), to be Sixth Division Quartermaster. On April 4th, Captain A.S. Baxter (Grant's QM) assigned steamer Iatan to serve as Commissary and Quartermaster Boat for the Sixth Division; and acknowledged assignment of Lieutenant Derickson as AAQM for the Sixth Division. [The Iatan was the boat Lieutenant Derickson rode to Savannah on April 1st; the same boat General Prentiss (likely) arrived aboard... and the (likely) place Prentiss met Derickson (and knew to appoint him as Division QM when the time arose.) Again, jus supposin'... Ozzy References: Quiner's Scrapbooks, volume 5, pages 210 - 240. [On file Wisconsin Historical Society] Kevin Getchell's Scapegoat of Shiloh (2013) for Derickson and Baxter documents. OR 11 pp. 87 - 88. SDG (various) but especially "Sherman's Shiloh Map" (for location of camp of 16th Wisconsin in March 1862.)
  6. Major General Grant had only just returned to Fort Donelson (from Nashville, late on February 28th), when he received: [from Sherman's Memoirs, page 224.] A bit tongue-in-cheek, because there were no orders to Shiloh; and the above directive to MGen U.S. Grant (a telegram sent from Halleck at St. Louis on March 1st 1862) does not contain an "Orders Number." Yet, this is the communication that started it all, and it reads more as "a collection of thoughts," than an actual set of orders (perhaps sent to alert General Grant to what General Halleck intended Grant to do next -- a sort of "pre-orders orders" -- which may be why the telegram does not contain an Orders Number.) The March 1st "directive" could not have come at a worse time: Sherman, in his Memoirs (page 224) indicates that, "the telegraph line was rickety" and may have resulted in a February 25th telegram from Halleck not being received. [The 25 FEB 1862 telegram directed General Grant to move across from Fort Donelson to Fort Henry and establish his HQ ...(notice where the March 1st telegram is sent to).] General Halleck was in process of the delicate negotiation to expand his Department (and absorb Don Carlos Buell into that new Department; while remaining on cordial terms with Buell.) [If Buell complained or raised a fuss (as he did about "Rebel wounded from Fort Donelson being dumped in his hospitals"), or suddenly decided to "take care of that pesky East Tennessee Problem that President Lincoln so urgently desired," it could have upset Halleck's Grand Plan.] Shortly after sending the telegram of March 1st, General Halleck discovered, "something unusual had taken place at Nashville." First came word that C.F. Smith had gone over there [and Halleck ordered him back.] Then, Halleck learned that U.S. Grant, himself, had gone over there -- to Nashville -- and General Halleck knew that he had sent a directive (via what Halleck considered to be a reliable telegraph line) on February 25th, ordering Grant to set up HQ at Fort Henry. Soon as Grant's unauthorized visit to Nashville became apparent, the ball was set in motion for Grant "to set up those HQ at Fort Henry, and stay there." And C.F. Smith (also mentioned in the March 1st telegram) was directed to take command of the Tennessee River Expedition. Provided for a bit of clarity... Ozzy References: http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=yale.39002009162026;view=1up;seq=230 Sherman's Memoirs N.B. The 1 MAR 1862 telegram, Halleck to Grant, is also to be found OR 7 page 674 and Papers of US Grant, vol.4, page 310 (note at bottom of page.) "Danville" was the site of the MC & L Railroad Bridge, a few miles south of Fort Henry, destroyed by Curtis Horse Federal cavalry in February 1862.
  7. For those who have never read it (or have not read it in a while) here is the Shiloh Report submitted by General Prentiss. Cheers Ozzy Prentiss’s Official Shiloh Report of November 1862 COLONEL: Upon my return from captivity in the hands of the public enemy I have the honor to submit my report of the part taken in the battle of the 6th of April last, near Pittsburg Landing, by the Sixth Division, Army of West Tennessee, the command of which had been assigned to me. I have the honor to transmit field return of the force which was subjected to my control, as it appeared upon the morning of the engagement, the same being marked A.# [Sixth Division field returns and casualty record – Ozzy.] Saturday evening, pursuant to instructions received when I was assigned to duty with the Army of West Tennessee, the usual advance guard was posted, and in view of information received from the commandant thereof, I sent forward five companies of the Twenty-fifth Missouri and five companies of the Twenty-first Missouri Infantry,under command of Colonel David Moore, Twenty-first Missouri. I also,after consultation with Colonel David Stuart, commanding a brigade of General Sherman's division, sent to the left one company of the Eighteenth Wisconsin Infantry, under command of Captain Fisk. At about 7 o'clock the same evening Colonel Moore returned, reporting some activity in the front-an evident reconnaissance by cavalry. This information received, I proceeded to strengthen the guard stationed on the Corinth road, extending the picket lines to the front a distance of a mile and a half, at the same time extending and doubling the lines of the grand guard. At 3 o'clock on the morning of Sunday, April 6, Colonel David Moore, Twenty-first Missouri, with five companies of his infantry regiment, proceeded to the front, and at break of day the advance pickets were driven in, whereupon Colonel Moore pushed forward and engaged the enemy's advance, commanded by General Hardee. At this stage a messenger was sent to my headquarters, calling for the balance of the Twenty-first Missouri, which was promptly sent forward. This information received, I at once ordered the entire force into line,and the remaining regiments of the First Brigade, commanded by Colonel Everett Peabody, consisting of the Twenty-fifth Missouri, Sixteenth Wisconsin, and Twelfth Michigan Infantry were advanced well to the front. I forthwith at this juncture communicated the fact of the attack in force to Major-General Smith and Brigadier General S. A. Hurlbut. Shortly before 6 o'clock, Colonel David Moore having been severely wounded, his regiment commenced falling back, reaching our front line at about 6 o'clock, the enemy being close upon his rear. Hereupon the entire force, excepting only the Sixteenth Iowa, which had been sent to the field the day previous without ammunition,and the cavalry, which was held in readiness to the rear, was advanced to the extreme front, and thrown out alternately to the right and left. Shortly after 6 o'clock the entire line was under fire, receiving the assault made by the entire force of the enemy, advancing in three columns simultaneously upon our left, center, and right. This position was held until the enemy had passed our right flank, this movement being effected by reason of the falling back of some regiment to our right not belonging to the division. Perceiving the enemy was flanking me, I ordered the division to retire in line of battle to the color line of our encampment,at the same time communicating to Generals Smith and Hurlbut the fact of the falling back, and asking for re-enforcements. Being again assailed, in position described, by an overwhelming force, and not being able longer to hold the ground against the enemy, I ordered the divisions to fal back to the line occupied by General Hurlbut, and at 9.05. a.m. reformed to the right of General Hurlbut, and to the left of Brigadier General W. H. L. Wallace, who I found in command of the division assigned to Major-General Smith. At this point the Twenty-third Missouri Infantry, commanded by Colonel Tindall, which had just disembarked from a transport,and had been ordered to report to me as a part of the Sixth Division, joined. This regiment I immediately assigned to position on the left. My battery (Fifth Ohio) was posted to the right on the road. At about 10 o'clock my line was again assailed, and finding my command greatly reduced by reason of casualties and because of the falling back of many of the men to the river, they being panic-stricken- a majority of them having now for the first time been exposed to fire-I communicated,with General W. H. L. Wallace, who sent to my assistance the Eighth Iowa Infantry, commanded by Colonel J. L. Geddes. After having once driven the enemy back form this position Major General U. S. Grant appeared upon the field. I exhibited to him the disposition of my entire force, which disposition received his commendation, and I received my final orders, which were to maintain that position at all hazards. This position I did maintain until 4 o'clock p.m. when General Hurlbut, being overpowered,was forced to retire. I was then compelled to change front with the Twenty-third Missouri, Twenty-first Missouri Eighteenth Wisconsin, Eighteenth Missouri, and part of the Twelfth Michigan, occupying a portion of the ground vacated by General Hurlbut. I was in constant communication with Generals Hurlbut and Wallace during the day, and both of them were aware of the importance of holding our position until night. When the gallant Hurlbut was forced to retire General Wallace and myself consulted, and agreed to hold our positions at all hazards, believing that we could thus save the army from destruction; we having been now informed for the first time that all others had fallen back to the vicinity of the river. A few minutes after General W. H. L. Wallace received the wound of which he shortly afterwards died. Upon the fall of General Wallace, his division,excepting the Eighth Iowa, Colonel Geddes, acting with me, and the Fourteenth Iowa, Colonel Shaw; Twelfth Iowa, Colonel Woods, and Fifty-eighth Illinois, Colonel Lynch, retired from the field. Perceiving that I was about to be surrounded, and having dispatched my aide, Lieutenant Edwin Moore, for re-enforcements, I determined to assail the enemy, which had passed between me and the river, charging upon him with my entire force. I found him advancing in mass, completely encircling my command, and nothing was left but to harass him and retard his progress so long as might be possible. This I did until 5.30 p.m., when finding that further resistance must result in the slaughter of every man in the command, I had to yield the fight. The enemy succeeded in capturing myself and 2,200 rank and file, many of them being wounded. Colonel Madison Miller, Eighteenth Missouri Infantry, was during the day in command of a brigade, and was among those taken prisoner. He acted during the day with distinguished courage, coolness, and ability. Upon Colonel J. L. Geddes, Eighth Iowa, the same praise can be partly bestowed. He and his regiment stood unflinchingly up to the work the entire portion of the day during which he acted under my orders. Colonel J. S. Alban and his lieutenant-colonel, Beall, of the Eighteenth Wisconsin, were,until they were wounded, ever to the front, encouraging their command. Colonel Jacob Fry, of the Sixty-first Illinois, with an undrilled regiment fresh in the service,kept his men well forward under every assault until the third line was formed, when he became detached, and fought under General Hurlbut. Colonel Shaw, of the Fourteenth Iowa, behaved with great coolness, disposed his men sharply at every command, and maintained his front unbroken through several fierce attacks. Colonel Tindall, Lieutenant-Colonel Morton, and Major McCullough, of the Twenty-third Missouri, are entitled to high meed of praise for gallant conduct. It is difficult to discriminate among so many gallant men as surrounded me when we were forced to yield to the overpowering strength of the enemy. Their bravery under the hottest fire is testified to by the devotion with which they stood forward against fearful odds to contend for the cause they were engaged in. To the officers and men who thus held to the last their undaunted front too much praise cannot be given. Captain McMichael, assistant adjutant-general,attached to the division commanded by General Wallace, joined me upon the field when his gallant leader fell. He is entitled to special mention for his conduct while so serving. Colonel David Moore is entitled to special mention. Captain A. Hickenlooper, of the Fifth Ohio Battery, by his gallant conduct, commended himself to general praise. My staff consisted of but three officers. Brigade Surg. S. W. Everett was killed early in the engagement, gallantly cheering the Eighteenth Missouri Regiment to the contest. Lieutenant Edwin Moore, aide-de-camp, during the entire battle, was by my side, unless when detached upon the dangerous service of his office. Captain Henry Binmore, assistant adjutant-general, was with me, performing his duty to my great satisfaction, until, being exhausted, I compelled him to leave the field. I have the honor to be, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, B. M. PRENTISS, Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers, Colonel J. C. KELTON, Asst. Adjt. Gen., U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. [from The War of the Rebellion: Original Records of the Civil War, Serial 1, Volume 10 (Shiloh) – no longer in copyright.]
  8. After Fort Donelson fell, Lew Wallace's Third Division was marched west to Fort Henry and occupied that captured Rebel fort (and Fort Heiman) until March 1862. On March 6th, the Third Division became part of General C.F. Smith's expedition up the Tennessee River... and William Rockwell, member of the 11th Indiana with an interest in medicine, commenced his 41-day diary. Reading like a fifty-page letter, details of the departure from Fort Heiman are revealed (not found anywhere else); and significant aspects of the voyage up the Tennessee River, the homesteads, "plantations," apparent friendliness of the people, and life aboard the overcrowded steamer are all discussed. And, of course, the arrival at Savannah; relocation to Crump's Landing; the Battle (and the attempt to take part, Day One); and the aftermath. (The diary finishes second week of April 1862, although newly-promoted Assistant Surgeon Rockwell survived the war, and moved to Nebraska.) On the River with the Army of the Tennessee was edited by Dr. William Rockwell's G-g-grandson, Bob Rockwell, and was self-published utilizing Lulu.com in 2011 and significant portions are available at the below link (to allow potential readers to determine if the material is of significant interest.) http://books.google.com.au/books?id=zZQtAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA24&lpg=PA24&dq=river+miles+from++fort+henry+to+savannah+tennessee&source=bl&ots=2BKcKrgVXC&sig=5EsgBJ5qxBVqUY9IVloYKvaNm_g&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjusev1vZDZAhWMi5QKHWqwDbAQ6AEILzAC#v=onepage&q=river miles from fort henry to savannah tennessee&f=false Cheers Ozzy
  9. Aaron Loder Mastin, nineteen years old from Mercer County enlisted in D.P. Brown's Company F of the 41st Illinois Infantry (Colonel Pugh) in August 1861... and immediately commenced this diary. Of interest, because it appears Private Mastin was well educated; and in February 1862, with his regiment based in Union-occupied Paducah Kentucky, Aaron Mastin was detailed as Nurse and sent to help establish/ contribute to the operation of the Female Seminary Hospital (renamed as St. John's Hospital, and officially " 7th Division Hospital" at intersection of Chestnut and Court Streets.) Prior to establishment of St. John's, the Paducah Marine Hospital near the waterfront on Hospital Street appears to have been taken over as Federal barracks (incorporated into Fort Anderson) and a variety of churches and the Court House were pressed into service as ad hoc hospitals. Army Nurse Mastin details the efforts of Dr. Kirch to initiate the Hospital; and the handover to Dr. S.A. Williams (and Surgeon T.N. Wilmans) of the 200-plus bed facility, while reporting "what was heard" from Fort Donelson, and the arrival of wounded from that conflict. In the April 5th entry, Nurse Mastin (now Ward Master at St. John's Hospital) records "the burial of deceased hospital patients in trenches." And on April 8th reports "hearing of the success at Island No.10 and the first news of General Grant's battle near Corinth." The Diary of Aaron Mastin is important for its record of hospital service in Paducah (where many of the sick and wounded from the Army of the Tennessee were taken by steamer in March and April 1862.) Ozzy References: http://www.jacksonpurchasehistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/Mastin-Diary.pdf http://www.pa-roots.com/pacw/hospitals/hospitallist.htm List of Civil War Hospitals (included to illustrate that many hospitals did not get recorded, such as Paducah's St. John's and Cairo's St. John's Hospital.) http://www.findagrave.com/memorial/26655293 Aaron L. Mastin record at find-a-grave.
  10. Part of the reason it is difficult to know what role Federal cavalry played at Fort Donelson lies in the fact many cavalry companies operated as "independent units" during the Fort Henry and Fort Donelson campaigns... and then seem to disappear from history (which is unfortunate, because these independent cavalry companies persisted through the build-up at Savannah and Pittsburg Landing; and participated in the Battle of Shiloh.) Most of these units were affiliated with the State of Illinois, and were operated by Carmichael, Dollins, O'Hartnett and Stewart. It turns out, the Independent Illinois Cavalry Companies were amalgamated in December 1862 into the 15th Illinois Cavalry Regiment (see links below.) Ozzy References: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Donelson_Union_order_of_battle (see Cavalry assigned to Colonel Oglesby's 1st Brigade) http://civilwar.illinoisgenweb.org/reg_html/cav_015.html 15th Illinois Cavalry (created from amalgamation in December 1862) http://civilwar.illinoisgenweb.org/history/c15cav.html brief History of companies attached to 15th Illinois Cavalry, beginning 1861 http://civilwar.illinoisgenweb.org/dyers/cav-stew1.html Dyer's History of Stewart's Independent Company of Illinois Cavalry
  11. In Chicago today, students attend the Frank W. Reilly Elementary School, named in honour of a gifted doctor; a talented writer; and a Shiloh veteran. Dr. Reilly's story intersects with the proud history of the 45th Illinois Infantry, also known as "the Galena Regiment," and the "Washburne Leadmine Regiment." When that unit finally mobilized sufficient numbers to muster into service in December 1861, the designated regimental surgeon, Francis Weaver, succumbed to illness: the 45th Illinois was left without a surgeon when it was sent to participate in the Operation against Fort Henry. And although heavily engaged as part of WHL Wallace's Brigade at Fort Donelson, the unit was fortunate to suffer only a handful of casualties (that were absorbed by existing medical staff.) Dr. Frank Reilly, twenty-five year old immigrant from Lancashire, England, volunteered for duty in his new home of Chicago in March 1862; was sent to Cairo before the end of the month; and reported for duty in Savannah Tennessee on April 1st, where he received assignment to the Leadmine Regiment (commanded by Colonel John Smith.) Ferried by steamer up the Tennessee River and put ashore at Pittsburg Landing, Surgeon Reilly rode out the final two miles and joined his unit April 2nd ...and immediately got to work treating the still-persisting cases acquired at Fort Donelson (mostly severe diarrhea and camp fever.) On the morning of Sunday, April 6th, there came the sound of gunfire from the direction of Sherman's Fifth Division; but because of not-infrequent eruptions of gunfire (including the discomforting sounds associated with the Picket Skirmish of April 4th) the crackling and popping was not deemed unusual: so breakfast was taken. At about 7:30 the first straggling, limping men appeared in the camp of the 45th Illinois: the sick, making their way best they could for the landing, having been turned out from Sherman's Division Hospital. Immediately after, the long roll trilled through the camps of C. Carroll Marsh's Brigade: the fighters moved forward; and support staff (including Surgeon Reilly) remained close, but in a gully to their rear (where surgical procedures commenced on the steady stream of arriving gunshot wounds.) Musicians-cum-stretcher bearers; ambulances; nurses and surgeons operated their gully-based hospital system as efficiently as possible... and relocated slightly north and east as that requirement arose. It was during one of the relocations of the surgical team, early in the afternoon, that Dr. Reilly was shot; the minie ball passed clear through the calf of his leg, grazing the bone. After stopping the bleeding, Surgeon Reilly joined the stream of men straggling towards Pittsburg Landing; after three hours of shuffling along on foot, he gained the waterfront and was taken aboard a paddle steamer; and that steamer evacuated its human cargo north. And Dr. Frank Reilly's experience with the 45th Illinois Infantry came to an end. Cheers Ozzy [References provided on request.]
  12. Ned Spencer, reporter for the Cincinnati Times, published his Battle of Pittsburg Landing on April 10th -- a day or two after the earliest reports filed by William Carroll (New York Times) and Whitelaw Reid (Cincinnati Gazette). And because this report was not "first," like Carroll's; or possessing 22000 words (like Reid's), it did not really add anything noteworthy to make it stand out. Ned also included his share of mistakes: gave praise to the 57th Ohio and 77th Ohio (when he really meant the 55th Illinois and 71st Ohio); awarded brickbats to Hickenlooper's 5th Ohio Battery (when he probably meant to criticize the 13th Ohio Battery, belonging to Myer.) And, he addd his weight to those claiming, "Prentiss was captured early in the day." Still, after overlooking the obvious mistakes, there are some gems to be uncovered: Ned Spencer made his readers aware of "the complacent Union generals" There were no proper pickets set out, at correct distance; The Navy gunboats did their bit; General Lew Wallace took a circuitous route to get to the battlefield; Records accurate time of Nelson's Division's arrival on east bank of Tennessee River; Reports Colonel Peabody's role in sending out "the 400-man patrol" (and notes that Peabody and Powell failed to survive Day One) Provides more coverage of Day Two than most news reports; And includes his summary of Shiloh: "This is THE Battle of the Great Rebellion." [Bold CAPS added, but intent apparent.] Ned Spencer: worth a read, if only to gain a slightly different perspective on a familiar story. http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84031490/1862-04-14/ed-1/seq-2/ Chicago Tribune of April 14th 1862, page 2, column 3. Ozzy
  13. In 1856, Scottish immigrant John McArthur, originally a blacksmith, who now thrived in the tough world of boiler-making, became involved with the Chicago Highland Guards. The militia organization trained and prepared; and in February 1861, with several Southern States having already seceded, Captain McArthur requested community support in order to aid in preparation and arming of the Highland Guards for active service [Chicago Daily Tribune of 6 FEB 1861, page 1.] Following Federal surrender at Fort Sumter, John McArthur tendered the service of the Chicago Highland Guards to Governor Yates: the offer was accepted, and the Guards were ordered to Springfield. President Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to assist in putting down the Rebellion; and the quota given to Illinois was six regiments of infantry (to be numbered 7 through 12.) Simultaneous with the actions of Captain McArthur, a militia company was drilling at Galena, called the "Jo Daviess Guards." Under the leadership of Augustus Chetlain, this company of volunteers departed for Springfield about April 22nd ...and Ulysses S. Grant, who had attached himself to the Jo Daviess Guards in order to provide essential training in military drill, continued that training upon arrival of the Galena company at the military camp just outside the Illinois capital, Camp Yates (where the Chicago Highland Guards, tapped by Governor Yates to form the nucleus of this last of the six quota-specified regiments -- the 12th Illinois -- was engaged in organization, recruiting and training.) By end of April 1861, the required number of men were on hand at Camp Yates; and the 12th Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiment was mustered in (for three month's service) by Captain John Pope on May 2nd: the Jo Daviess Guards became Company F; the Chicago Highland Guards became Company A; John McArthur was elected Colonel; his nearest competition in that vote -- August Chetlain -- was elected Lieutenant Colonel; and U.S. Grant reported to Governor Yates (for appointment as Adjutant General for Military Affairs of the State of Illinois.) The 12th Illinois was immediately sent away west and south to defend the line of the Ohio & Mississippi Railroad, and was based at Caseyville Illinois (Camp Bissel), a day's march from the Mississippi River, and in close proximity to St. Louis. Captain U.S. Grant arrived at Camp Bissel on an inspection tour in May 1861; and he provided guidance on the completion of required rosters, requisitions, and other paperwork [Paddock, page 263.] In June, the regiment was transfered from Camp Bissel to St. Louis... but in carrying out the movement, the orders were amended, and the 12th Illinois landed at Cape Girardeau Missouri, instead. Withdrawn to Cairo a short time later, the three month term of service was nearing completion: the 12th Illinois was re-mustered as a 3-year regiment at Cairo on August 1st; and returned to Cape Girardeau on August 7th. Called back to Cairo after a few days, the regiment stopped at Bird's Point Missouri; but the destination of Cairo was finally reached about August 27th, where the 12th Illinois commenced an association with the 9th Illinois Infantry that was destined to endure for the remainder of the war. On September 2/3 a force under Colonel McArthur executed a "feint" towards Belmont Missouri [Papers of US Grant vol.2 pages 178 - 9.] But, McArthur was back in Cairo by the evening of September 3rd. On September 5th, Brigadier General U.S. Grant led a force that included Colonel McArthur's 12th Illinois, the 9th Illinois, and artillery from Cairo to Paducah Kentucky (in response to a movement by Confederate Generals Polk and Pillow, occupying Hickman and Columbus.) The Federal occupation of Paducah was effected September 6th; General Grant returned to Cairo that same day, and left Brigadier General Eleazer Paine (9th Illinois) in temporary command, pending imminent arrival of BGen C.F. Smith. General Smith arrived September 8th and took command of the Post of Paducah; BGen Paine remained in command of the embryonic brigade, which grew to include the 9th, 12th, 40th and 41st Illinois, Buel's Battery, and Thielmann's Independent Cavalry Battalion. While based at Paducah, Colonel McArthur took part in reconnaissance and demonstrations: most notable, the feint of November 8/9 towards Fort Columbus, from the east. Possibly due to a falling out soon afterwards between C.F. Smith and Eleazer Paine, BGen Paine was re-assigned to Bird's Point Missouri on December 23rd 1861. John McArthur replaced Paine as commander of the 1st Brigade of Smith's Second Division (and soon, Smith's Division included BGen Lew Wallace, in command of the 2nd Brigade.) 1862 commenced with a bang: coincidental with George Thomas's operation at Mill Springs, John McArthur took part in a demonstration that commenced January 15th (and was led by General C.F. Smith, in person.) From Paducah, 5000 men marched to Mayfield Creek; then moved next day to Clark River. Pausing two days in vicinity of Clark River, the expedition reached Calloway Landing on the Tennessee River (twenty miles below Fort Henry) before returning north, arriving back at Paducah on the 25th. Coincident with being based at Paducah, and gaining a brigade, John McArthur saw his own 12th Illinois divided: a portion remained in Paducah (attached to the 1st Brigade) while four companies, under command of LtCol Chetlain were posted to Smithland (near the mouth of the Cumberland River.) Following February's operation against Fort Henry (during which Smith's Second Division moved up the west bank of the Tennessee River and occupied Fort Heiman) the 2nd Division was ferried across the Tennessee River, and marched across to Fort Donelson on February 12th. McArthur's 1st Brigade (now consisting of the 9th, 12th and 41st Illinois Infantry Regiments) was placed adjacent to the far left of McClernand's First Division. That position was adjusted slightly, next day; and on the evening of the 14th, following the unsuccessful gunboat offensive, McArthur was ordered to the extreme right of General McClernand's Division by General Grant [and it appears darkness and lateness of the hour prevented ability to properly scrutinize terrain and proximity of the enemy. But the intention was to anchor adjacent to a swollen creek -- or possibly the Cumberland River, south of Fort Donelson -- in the morning (OR 7 pages 174 - 5 and Badeau page 43)]. Next morning, early, the breakout attempted by the Confederate defenders of Fort Donelson commenced. And John McArthur was in the wrong place, at the wrong time. [And as Colonel Oglesby noted, "without [organic] artillery support" (OR 7 page 185)]. Afterwards, it is said that Grant blamed McClernand for the near disaster, due to not properly anchoring his right. But, the blame could easily have been ascribed to McArthur's 1st Brigade. In Fact, Grant may have blamed both organizations: upon the surrender of Fort Donelson, while Smith's Division was given pride of place in the former log huts belonging to the Rebels, and inside the fort-proper, McClernand (in written orders to include McArthur's Brigade) was kept outside; and assigned picket duties, patrol and "fatigue duties" ...so tiresome and irksome that McClernand eventually complained [see OR 7 pages 625 and 633; and Papers of US Grant vol.4 page 242.] As is now known, U.S. Grant had lost confidence in his former friend, John McClernand; and that when the Federal camp was established at Pittsburg Landing, Grant refused to recognize McClernand's seniority (and placed Brigadier General Sherman in charge there, during Grant's absence.) What is not so well known: a similar "demotion" appears to have also occurred with John McArthur, beginning with re-numbering of his 1st Brigade (to 2nd Brigade, effective February 21st -- Papers of US Grant vol.4 page 263.) Then, with U.S. Grant returned to field command, upon his arrival at Savannah he ordered "Smith's Division to leave vicinity of Savannah [most of those men were still aboard steamers] and disembark at Pittsburg Landing." C.F. Smith was then lying in bed aboard the steamer, Hiawatha, unable to walk. So, when the Second Division disembarked at Pittsburg Landing on March 18th, the senior brigade commander would be in acting-command in Smith's absence. On March 19th, Colonel Jacob Lauman was ordered, "to report to the Second Division and report to General C.F. Smith for assignment to a brigade as its commander." Since Smith was absent from Pittsburg Landing, soon-to-be Brigadier General Lauman took charge of the 1st Brigade; and assumed the role of "in command, temporary, of Smith's Division." Problem was this: Colonel Lauman was junior to Colonel McArthur. Even after Lauman was promoted BGen, effective March 21st, he was junior to BGen McArthur, also promoted March 21st. Conveniently, John McArthur was arrested on March 28th for violation of orders. And while McArthur was in arrest, General Grant replaced Lauman (who reported to Stephen Hurlbut) with WHL Wallace -- a Brigadier General who was senior to Lauman and McArthur. And U.S. Grant allowed McArthur to stew... until the Confederates rushed north from Corinth; and on Sunday morning, April 6th, the Rebels caught everyone by surprise. Regards Ozzy References: OR 7 (pages as sited) Papers of US Grant volumes 2 and 4 (pages as sited) http://archive.org/stream/illinoisatshiloh00illi#page/30/mode/2up/search/McArthur Illinois at Shiloh http://archive.org/stream/biographicalsket00wils#page/18/mode/2up John McArthur bio at Illinois Officers http://archive.org/stream/militaryhistory02badegoog#page/n68/mode/2up/search/McArthur Badeau's Military History of US Grant, vol 1, page 43. http://suvcw.org/mollus/war/ILv2.htm Major George L. Paddock's article IRT 12th Illinois creation. Chicago Daily Tribune (edition and page as sited). General Orders No.63 of June 10th 1862 [recent promotions and their rankings].
  14. Because of the persistent flooding of the Tennessee River, and the expanse of water-logged terrain in vicinity of Union-controlled Fort Henry, that position was deemed unsuitable for loading significant numbers of troops. So, when the time arrived for the thousands of Federal troops camped in vicinity of Union-held Fort Donelson to "march to the Tennessee River and board steamers for the Expedition" (ultimately destined for Pittsburg Landing), those troops were not marched to Fort Henry; instead, they took the Ridge Road until three miles west of the Furnace, turned left, and continued southwest to Metal Landing (a point on the Tennessee River about three miles south of Fort Henry.) The first Federal troops to reach Metal Landing belonged to Brigadier General McClernand, arrived about March 4th. As steamers arrived, they were loaded, then joined the convoy led by Brigadier General Sherman's new division (dispatched from Paducah, and protected by a timberclad gunboat.) To expedite loading of soldiers at Metal Landing, Colonel Jacob Lauman was sent on detached duty from the Second Division, to act as Transport Organizer (Lauman was in place by March 10th.) And on March 13th, with the Federal troops mostly departed, Metal Landing was deemed suitable for holding Army livestock: pens were ordered constructed that could hold 1000 head of cattle. Metal Landing remained in use through the build-up of forces at Pittsburg Landing. Ozzy References: Papers of US Grant volume 4, pages 312, 322, 323, 342, 351 and 356. [Map showing Metal Landing south of Fort Henry, from Papers of US Grant, volume 4.]
  15. Was conducting research into the monuments and memorials at Shiloh National Military Park (in particular, the Headquarters Monuments) and ran into an unexpected brick wall: although individual States paid for the creation of stone regimental markers and State participation markers at Shiloh, the States were not involved in creation and erection of the many Headquarters Monuments (memorializing brigade and division HQ locations at the commencement of the battle.) http://archive.org/details/illinoisatshiloh00illi Illinois at Shiloh was one of the resources consulted. After a bit of searching, tracked down this reference, published in 2012: A History and Guide to the Monuments of Shiloh National Park, by Stacy W. Reaves. Only about forty pages long, this resource records the drive behind the establishment of the national military parks, and responsibility for all the memorials and monuments (especially those at Shiloh NMP.) Some excellent circa-1900 photographs are included. http://issuu.com/historypressusa/docs/4124-shiloh Turns out, on pages 35 - 36 are to be found the answers to my questions IRT the Headquarters Monument. And it also turns out, Perry Cuskey introduced this book a few years ago (and it comes back as a "hit" when "monuments" is inserted in the Search Box.) Ozzy
  16. In the brief period leading up to the Battle of Shiloh, General Grant found himself in a difficult situation: due to recent promotions, men he wanted to be in charge were now junior to pretenders Grant did not want filling important positions of responsibility. So, Ulysses Grant resorted to a ruse, which may have proceeded as follows: the General who should be in command was acknowledged as still being in command (but just away briefly, recuperating); and the organization he commanded persisted in being referred to as "his." And another officer was simply designated as, "in command, temporarily, in this General's absence." The mild attempt at deception seemed to work... until the recently-promoted officer who should have been in charge -- in the sick General's absence -- cottoned on that he was senior to the designated replacement; at which point, the uppity officer was threatened with arrest. And the delicate situation was seemingly resolved by Grant placing another recently-promoted Brigadier General in temporary command of the organization. And, so the situation remained, even up to the morning of April 6th 1862. Sound familiar? You may be surprised to learn that this scenario, as described, did not involve William Tecumseh Sherman or John McClernand. Which organization could it have been? Who were the key players? And why have we not heard anything about this other incident, of seniority among Federal officers leading to a "command dilemma," until now? Yours to ponder... Ozzy
  17. Monumental Trivia (Part 2)

    There have already been discussions IRT the curious HQ memorials at Shiloh NMP, particularly monuments of the First Division (MGen McClernand): http://www.shilohbattlefield.org/closeup.asp?ClosePhoto=TN003M003C.jpg First Brigade Headquarters Monument acknowledges that Colonel Hare was in command in Brigadier General Richard Oglesby's absence (which explains presence of both names at bottom of monument); http://www.shilohbattlefield.org/closeup.asp?ClosePhoto=TN003M004C.jpg Third Brigade Headquarters Monument only has Colonel L.F. Ross's name at the bottom of the monument (and does not accurately record that Command of the brigade, morning of April 6th 1862, proceeded from the absent Ross, to the sick Colonel Rearden... and finally settled on Colonel Julius Raith of the 43rd Illinois). [Image from www.tracesofwar.com] Given the above Headquarters Monument representing the Second Division at Shiloh (and the link to the associated plaque explaining the lead-up to April 6th): http://www.shilohbattlefield.org/closeup.asp?ClosePhoto=TN003T00EC.jpg Historic Plaque #E at Shiloh NMP What four names (last names of four different men) should be included at the base of this Headquarters Monument? Ozzy Hint: Do not include Colonel James Tuttle in your list.
  18. Pittsburg... up close.

    Pittsburg Landing, April 1862. Ran across the above image while searching for something else. It was filed under "Steamers at Chickasaw Bluff" on a Civil War website (but it is obviously not Chickasaw Bluff, Mississippi.) Cheers Ozzy
  19. Why not just go?

    It was commonly understood during the 19th Century, that in the absence of orders, "a commander was expected to rush to the sound of the guns of battle." In Lew Wallace's Autobiography, page 459, he indicates his strong belief, early on Sunday, April 6th that he was hearing a roar and rumble that was unmistakeable. "My Staff officers joined me, and there was no disagreement: it was a battle." Major General Lew Wallace sent the appropriate orders; staged and prepared his Third Division to march... and then waited aboard his commissary boat (Jesse K. Bell) for General Grant "to drop by and give him orders." Yet, in Wallace's mind, he knew there was only one route open: the Shunpike. And he had communicated a recommendation to Brigadier General WHL Wallace, just the previous day, "that in the event of attack, at either Landing, one Wallace would come to the aid of the other, via the Shunpike." So, the question: "Why did Lew Wallace not simply march his Third Division away down the Shunpike -- in accordance with accepted practice -- and let the chips fall where they might, once the dust had settled?" Yours to ponder... Ozzy Reference No.1: http://ehistory.osu.edu/books/official-records/010/0189 OR 10 pages 189 - 191. Reference No.2: http://digital.library.msstate.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/USG_volume/id/17403/rec/7 Papers of US Grant vol 4 pages 402 - 3. Reference No.3: http://archive.org/stream/lewwallaceanaut02wallgoog#page/n479/mode/2up Autobiography of Lew Wallace, pages 459 - 461. Reference No.4 http://archive.org/stream/artwar00mendgoog#page/n76/mode/2up/search/tactics The Art of War by Jomini (pages 70, 72-3 (taking the initiative), 132-3 (use of reserves), 144 (re-taking the initiative from an enemy), 176, 184-5 (operation of reserve force of Army-on-Defense in wresting initiative from the Attacker.) Reference No.5 "In the absence of any other orders, always march to the sound of the guns" -- Napoleon.
  20. T. Hurst remembers...

    Thomas Hurst grew up on a farm just outside Savannah, on the east side. His father, 35-year-old Daniel R., worked as both farmer and mill wright; his mother, 32-year-old Elizabeth Black Hurst, mostly looked after Thomas's young brothers and sisters. With the excitement of the attempted Confederate-sponsored State conscription of early March 1862, disrupted by the landing at Savannah of Colonel Worthington's 46th Ohio Infantry, then 13-year-old Thomas Hurst appears to have spent a lot of time in town, acting as witness to all that was taking place. Years later (at the time he wrote this article) he remembers, "the Tennessee River was full to overflowing in March 1862. And the roads were a muddy mess, especially during the first week of April." He knew that "General Buell was to make a junction at Hamburg." And he knew "that the steamer Tigress was General Grant's flagship." On Sunday morning, April 6th, "wild staccato of the blazing musketry, accompanied by the sullen roar of thundering artillery" drew him to the waterfront, just behind the Cherry Mansion, where he, "witnessed General Grant lead a cream-colored horse aboard Tigress (despite claims years later that General Grant required the use of crutches, at that time.)" Some of the other gems remembered by Thomas Hurst: Paymaster Douglas Putnam, on Grant's staff, "gave up his horse about 2 p.m. for use of LtCol McPherson." [McPherson would ride this horse north across Snake Creek, in company with John Rawlins, to meet and hurry forward Major General Lew Wallace.] He saw the steamer Henry Fitzhugh, one smokestack all shot up, making its way downriver carrying the first wounded soldiers away from the battle; He was told by Paymaster Douglas Putnam, who accompanied Grant on the battlefield, that "after dark on Sunday, he went with General Grant to the Tigress and slept aboard." [This is interesting, and does not appear far-fetched, because we know Grant and Rawlins attempted to seek shelter from the rain Sunday night and sleep in the makeshift Hospital. U.S. Grant records that he was unable to rest there, with all the cries from the wounded, and returned outside. Rawlins, on the other hand (in his biography) records that "he slept like a baby in that Hospital." -- Did General Grant really sleep in the rain, under the tree, with Tigress close at hand?] Thomas Hurst remembers the steamer Glendale (and only the Glendale) as having a calliope on board; Hurst recalls the steamer Dunleith (sometimes spelled Demleith) as being the steamer Governor Harvey was leaving (after visiting wounded soldiers of the 16th Wisconsin) when he slipped and fell into the Tennessee River and drowned. After the war, Thomas Hurst married Mary Smith and moved to Pennsylvania (where Reverend T. M. Hurst became Pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Arnot.) Cheers Ozzy References: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42637415?loggedin=true&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents Battle of Shiloh by T.M. Hurst, pages 82-96. http://www.findagrave.com/memorial/68880126 Reverend T. M. Hurst http://www.findagrave.com/memorial/179882598/Daniel-Robinson-Hurst Thomas Hurst's father, Daniel, of Savannah Tennessee
  21. USMA Class of 1869

    The United States Military Academy, since its founding in 1802, was an institution, sited at the isolated West Point on the Hudson River, with the acknowledged goal of molding ambitious, confident, clear-thinking young men of promise into Leaders of Men in exercise of the Military Arts. Typically, in the 19th Century, the intake of each year's Plebe Class involved young men between 16 and 21, possessing limited military knowledge, and unimpressive life experiences; these neophytes were instructed by worldly, knowledgeable, experienced military teachers, skilled at imparting their knowledge, and who could impress their charges merely by "exercise of authority" that seemed to be innate, somehow absorbed into the fabric of their being, and emitted at will. That routine process of super-skilled masters molding formless clay came undone in 1865; for in that year's intake -- Class of 1869 -- were three men of experience: Charles Morton. Private in the 25th Missouri Infantry. Veteran of Shiloh (at age 15). Finished 25th in his class of 39 and was commissioned as a Cavalry officer. Retired as Brigadier General in 1910. Eric Bergland. 17-year-old Second Lieutenant of the 57th Illinois Infantry. Veteran of Shiloh. Finished 1st in his class of 39 and was commissioned Artillery officer (but soon was transferred to Army Corps of Engineers.) Retired as Major, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers in 1896. John G. Bourke. Joined the 15th Pennsylvania Cavalry at age 16. Not a Veteran of Shiloh (but won the Congressional Medal of Honor at Stone's River in 1862.) Finished 11th in his class of 39 and was commissioned as a Cavalry officer. Was serving as Captain in the 3rd U.S. Cavalry at the time of his death Provided to illustrate another of the unexpected, but far-reaching outcomes of the Battle of Shiloh. Ozzy References: http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/America/United_States/Army/USMA/Cullums_Register/Classes/1869.html http://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/jgbourke.htm John Gregory Bourke http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/America/United_States/Army/USMA/Cullums_Register/2273*.html Eric Bergland http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/America/United_States/Army/USMA/Cullums_Register/2297*.html Charles Morton
  22. Actually, a diary and extracts from letters, presented in chronological order from 15 September 1861, when Thaddeus H. Capron, 22 years old from Durand Village, Winnebago County enlisted in the 55th Illinois Infantry with many others from his community in Company C. Early entries describe training in Northern Illinois before moving on to Benton Barracks, near St. Louis. Private Capron presents as "a bit of a card" and has similar friends -- Arden Bowen, "Snooks," Billy, and Charlie -- who amuse themselves while waiting to get "into the Show." A letter written from Paducah on February 9th 1862 expresses disappointment on missing the Fort Henry operation. Another letter, written February 20th, expresses more disappointment from Paducah; but this is followed by news of Thaddeus Capron's promotion to Assistant QM and rumors IRT where they will be sent (either Fort Columbus, or Alabama). On March 10th, Capron reports the 55th Illinois is aboard the Hannibal, heading for Florence, Alabama; part of an Army of 100,000. In addition to describing the camp near Lick Creek of Stuart's Brigade (of Sherman's 5th Division) on March 23rd, Asst. QM Capron reports that "Buell is only thirty miles away with over 100,000 more men, to combine with Grant's Army," and states his belief that, "the Rebellion will soon be put down." Excerpts of April 10 Letter from Thaddeus Capron to friends in Durand, Illinois: "We were up with reveille Sunday morning, and began preparing for inspection... away to the west we heard gunfire, which we believed was only the pickets, again. We waited over two hours before the Long Roll was beat, and then formed our line and marched forward about 80 rods. Told to lie down, the 55th Illinois waited several hours before the enemy appeared (estimated as 5000 men supported by two batteries.) The fight for the 55th Illinois and 54th Ohio Zouaves became one of fire, fall back; fire, fall back for about three hours. Afterwards, Capron expresses his awareness that "the delaying action accomplished by Stuart's Brigade was significant in preventing the destruction of Grant's Army." April 18 details friends wounded and killed at Battle of Shiloh. And April 26 describes the preparations to march on Corinth. Probably one of the most comprehensive collections of first-person reports to be found on the internet, this Diary and Excerpts from Letters written by Thaddeus Capron is made available by Northern Illinois University: http://civilwar.lib.niu.edu/islandora/object/niu-civil%3A14911 Cheers Ozzy
  23. Why stay at Crumps?

    In , Grant's Memoirs (page 330) he records: "When I reassumed command on the 17th of March I found the Army divided, with about half at Savannah; while one division was at Crump's Landing on the west bank of the Tennessee River, about four miles above Savannah; and the remainder at Pittsburg Landing, five miles above Crump's... I at once put all the troops at Savannah in motion for Pittsburg Landing [where General Sherman stated, 'there was ample space and drinking water for 100,000 men.']" In Papers of US Grant volume 4 (pages 379-380), in a letter from Sherman to Captain John Rawlins dated March 17th, General Sherman wrote: " I am strongly impressed with the importance [of Pittsburg Landing], both for its land advantages and for its strategic position. The ground itself admits of easy defense by a small command, yet affords admirable camping ground for a hundred thousand men..." Neither Grant nor Sherman offered similar "justification" for maintaining Federal troops at Crump's Landing. And with Lew Wallace having completed his assignment to cut the Mobile & Ohio Railroad [and the primary Confederate stronghold at the northern end of that line -- Fort Columbus -- already evacuated], here is the question: What was the one reason Major General Lew Wallace was maintained in vicinity of Crump's Landing? (Provide justification for your answer.) Ozzy
  24. It's not often you find an eyewitness account of "that march" conducted by Lew Wallace on Sunday, April 6th... Johann Stuber migrated with his parents and siblings from Switzerland in 1854, and settled in Cincinnati. In October 1861, the 23 year old, trained as a typesetter, joined the 58th Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Company A, and was soon promoted to Corporal. First seeing action at Fort Donelson, the 58th Ohio remained with Lew Wallace's Third Division; and when that division was sent to Crump's Landing in March 1862, the 2nd Brigade (Colonel John Thayer) comprising the 58th OVI, 68th OVI, 23rd Indiana and 1st Nebraska, established its brigade camp in vicinity of Stony Lonesome, midway between Adamsville and Crump's Landing. Corporal Stuber's report for April 6th 1862: "In the morning we heard from the vicinity of Pittsburg Landing a heavy cannonade, which soon developed into an unbroken roar, which persisted as the morning wore on. From the Landing (where our provisions were kept), there came a "rabbit-footed messenger," who had arrived by boat. He loudly reported that he was a member of the 57th Ohio, and that upon being aroused from his sleep by the noise of battle, raced for the Landing and took a boat to Crump's, to deliver the news: but not for us to hurry to help, but to flee for our lives downriver. Knowing that our Army had 50,000 troops at Pittsburg, confirmed by Captain Markgraff during his recent visit, we refused to believe this refugee's report. "About midday, we received the orders preparatory to marching: ammunition was distributed, and we packed necessities and rations for ten days. After about an hour, we began to march south with our heavy knapsacks (instead of taking the boats, as we believed we would). It was dreadfully hot, and the soldiers of the regiments ahead of us threw away their blankets and excess clothing during the march, so that a carpet of clothing lined both sides of the road. We had hiked about seven miles, and were about one mile from our destination, when a report came that we were going the wrong way. We were turned around, and told to take another road -- which caused us to go double the distance in order to arrive where we were wanted. "It was during twilight that my regiment reached a dark woods, at the edge of a swamp, and were told to wait. And while we waited, we were not allowed to do anything -- no pipes or cigars -- because we were told the Rebels could be on the other side of the swamp, only 500 yards away. Finally, we passed through that swamp and reaching the other side, were told we had arrived. We continued marching, and the gunboats were firing, supposedly in the direction of the Rebels. We had gone about a mile when we entered a Union camp, totally abandoned by its owners, but with the tents filled with wounded, who all seemed to be moaning and crying from their wounds. We continued past this camp, and entered a dark woods, where we halted and attempted to rest beneath the boughs of the trees. But the gunboats continued firing; and it started to rain... a thunderstorm, no less. As bad as it was for us, we could not help feeling pity for the wounded, caught in the open with no shelter. We could hear them, away out there, somewhere, in the darkness, calling for help, and for water. And we could not help them. The pickets were not far from us; and the enemy's pickets were not far from our pickets. During the night, firing occurred between the lines of pickets, so heavy at times it seemed the Battle had resumed..." [Above record translated and edited; entry from "The Diary of Johann Stuber" for 6 April 1862.] Ozzy Reference: http://archive.org/stream/meintagebuchuber00stub#page/22/mode/2up
  25. It was one of the most secret and daring preliminary acts performed by the Federal Government prior to commencement of the Civil War: and only President Lincoln, Secretary of State Seward, Army Captain Montgomery Meigs, and Navy Lieutenant David D. Porter knew its full dimensions... the mission to resupply Fort Pickens at Pensacola, Florida. Needing to stop the "stripping down for extensive maintenance" being conducted on a warship at New York Navy Yard, the above four conspirators brought in a fifth member; but revealed only that information acting-Commandant of the Navy Yard, Commander Andrew Hull Foote, was required to know: "That USS Powhatan was urgently required. She needed to be returned to a seaworthy condition, and her steam propulsion plant reassembled, as expeditiously as possible. And contact "with agencies outside New York Navy Yard" was strictly controlled, especially in regard to the true, intended use of the powerful steam frigate; Commander Foote was directed to communicate only with other members of the conspiracy IRT progress of readying Powhatan for sea: even the Secretary of the Navy (Gideon Welles) was to be kept in the dark" [Porter's Naval History of the Civil War, pages 99-103.] On April 6th 1861 USS Powhatan entered the Atlantic Ocean, under command of Lieutenant David D. Porter, in loose company with the chartered Collins Company steamer, Atlantic, carrying stores, equipment and 450 troops commanded by Colonel Harvey Brown. Due to a storm, the vessels became separated; but by April 17th the Atlantic and USS Powhatan arrived off Fort Pickens. The troops and supplies were landed. And Fort Pickens would remain in Federal control during the entirety of the Civil War. The newspapers of the day said, "it was all due to Lieutenant Adam Slemmer," the young Army officer who had the courage and the foresight to put his ad hoc team of eighty soldiers and sailors to use, in expeditiously relocating from Barrancas Barracks to Fort Pickens on that fateful day in January 1861, depriving Florida State authorities the opportunity to simply seize control of the mostly unoccupied ring of fortifications. But, Adam Slemmer saw it differently: "I have only to say that Lieutenant Gilman and I stood side by side during the whole affair; and if any credit is due for the course pursued he is entitled equally with myself" [OR 1 Report No.3, pages 333-342.] Lieutenant Gilman? Who was he? Jeremiah H. Gilman was born in Knox County, Maine in 1831 and received an appointment to West Point in 1852. Graduated in the middle of his Class of 1856, he was assigned to the Artillery; and after initial service in Texas and Rhode Island, was posted to Barrancas Barracks, Pensacola in 1858... where he was by-default second-in-command (due absence on leave of the senior two Army officers at the Barrancas -- Fort Pickens -- Fort McRae complex.) On January 10th 1861, under pressure from Florida State authorities, the acting-Commander, Lieutenant Slemmer, determined not to surrender Federal control of Pensacola Harbor; and with Lieutenant Gilman's assistance, an Army - Navy force of about 80 men moved guns, ammunition, supplies and food from Fort Barrancas (on the mainland) to the much more strategically valuable Fort Pickens, securely tucked away on the western tip of the Santa Rosa Barrier Island. From early January, Slemmer and Gilman supervised and participated in mounting artillery pieces, sealing off embrasures, standing picket duty, and otherwise preparing for an attack that might come from a numerically superior Rebel force at any moment. The Pickens Truce of January 28th offered some respite (a Rebel guarantee to not attack Fort Pickens, provided the U.S. Navy ships hovering nearby in the Gulf of Mexico did not land and resupply that fortification.) In meantime, Braxton Bragg arrived at Pensacola and began strengthening the Rebel-occupied forts; and mounting the heaviest guns available all along the shore of Pensacola Bay, from the Navy Yard northeast of Fort Pickens, along to the west, just across the inlet to Pensacola Bay, where Fort McRae laid claim to the closest Rebel guns, about 2000 yards away. War started on April 12th at Fort Sumter. The stalemate at Pensacola ended with the landing of Colonel Harvey Brown's force (along with the forces that had been barracked aboard the many warships, just south of Fort Pickens, since the Buchanan Administration.) With the replacement force numbering in excess of one thousand men, the exhausted "first responders," defenders of Fort Pickens since January 10th (and many suffering scurvy) were permitted to steam away... aboard the steamer Philadelphia. Slemmer's party arrived at New York May 26th; and the rag-tag force that saved Fort Pickens was broken up: the sailors returned to the Navy; the soldiers mostly joined the garrison at Fort Hamilton (guarding the Port of New York). Adam Slemmer was promoted to Captain ( 19th U.S. Infantry Regiment) and sent to Chicago on recruiting duty. Jeremiah Gilman was initially assigned to recruiting duty, and then sent to Kentucky for a series of different duties, mostly involving organization and inspection of artillery assigned to the Army of the Ohio. Ultimately, he was appointed to the Staff of General Buell, and served as Inspector, and Acting Chief of Artillery. It was in this capacity that he served during Day Two at Shiloh, rushing from one Army of the Ohio battery to another, to ensure the most advantageous employment of Terrill, Goodspeed, Mendenhall and Bartlett. For "gallant and meritorious service at Shiloh," then-Captain Gilman was awarded brevet promotion to Major; and participated in Halleck's Crawl to Corinth; the Battle of Perryville; Stone's River. And in January 1863, Major Gilman was assigned to the Subsistence Department (primarily working out of Baltimore) until war's end. Gilman remained in the Army, remained attached to the Commissary Department, and served in Missouri, the Dakotas, and Washington, D.C. until he retired, aged 64, in 1895. Colonel Jeremiah H. Gilman (Ret.) died August 1909 at Manhattan Beach, New York. As far as can be determined, he is the only Federal officer to have a direct connection to "the Fort Pickens Situation" and the Battle of Shiloh. Ozzy References: OR 1 pages 333-342 and 365, 366. New York Tribune, 1861 editions for April 6, 8, 9; May 2; and June 1 (page 8: Slemmer article). New York Herald, 27 May 1861 (page 8: reports arrival of Slemmer's party from Fort Pickens). http://archive.org/details/cu31924032779385 D. D. Porter's Naval History of the Civil War (1886) pages 99-103.