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Found 81 results

  1. Earliest News Report

    Have uncovered what I believe to be the earliest newspaper report of the Battle of Shiloh, published Monday morning 7 APR 1862 at New Orleans. Had searched for this using "Shiloh" and "Pittsburg Landing" as search terms, but without success (when the article is read, it is discovered "another name" was given to the battle.) Battle of Shiloh Report on page 1, column 1, top. http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn82015753/1862-04-07/ed-1/seq-1/#date1=1862&sort=date&rows=20&words=Beauregard&searchType=basic&sequence=0&index=6&state=Louisiana&date2=1862&proxtext=Beauregard&y=0&x=0&dateFilterType=yearRange&page=5 New Orleans Daily Crescent for 7 April 1862 [provided by Library of Congress, Chronicling America.]
  2. 10th Mississippi Story

    Captain E. T. Sykes and the 10th Mississippi at Shiloh Edward Turner Sykes was born in 1838 in Alabama, but was living in Columbus Mississippi when the Secession Crisis broke out. Joining Doctor Lipscomb’s Southron Avengers early in 1861, that company was soon incorporated into Colonel Seaburne M. Phillip’s 10th Mississippi as Company E and in March arrived in Florida and placed under command of Major General Braxton Bragg (whose expanding force was soon to become known as the Army of Pensacola.) The 10th Mississippi Infantry took part in placing guns in a crescent around the north and west edge of Pensacola Bay, extending from the Navy Yard to Fort McRae; and the men of the regiment were trained in the operation of those artillery pieces (used during the November bombardment of Union-occupied Fort Pickens.) As well as being trained to operate artillery, the men of the 10th Mississippi took part in the October 8/9 Battle of Santa Rosa Island (a successful nighttime raid against Federal forces camped outside Fort Pickens, involving colonels Chalmers, Jackson and Anderson.) During service at Pensacola, Seaburne M. Phillips became incapacited due to illness (he died before October 1861) and 25-year-old Robert A. Smith was elected Colonel in his place. University-educated E. T. Sykes was installed as Adjutant, with the rank of Captain. The 10th Mississippi remained in vicinity of Fort Barrancas and Mobile until after the February 1862 Disaster at Fort Donelson, when the regiment was ordered, along with most of Bragg’s Army, north to Corinth Mississippi. At Corinth the original 12-month term of enlistment expired; and in March the “New” 10th Mississippi was mustered into service (but with only half the 840 men of the original regiment.) What follows is Edward Sykes’ 1873 recollection of his regiment’s part in the Battle of Shiloh: “Having organized his splendid troops, General Albert Sidney Johnston, with General PGT Beauregard as second in command, put in motion on the morning of the 3rd of April, 1862, the “Army of the Mississippi,” to offer battle to the invaders of our soil. The attack was to have been made on the 5th, before Buell, who was marching to the assistance of Grant, at Pittsburg Landing, could possibly reach him, but owing to the bad roads the Confederates were unable to reach the destined point in time. Resting for the night in order of battle, a short distance from the enemy’s camp, with only now and then a picket shot to relieve the suspense, we commenced to advance at early dawn, and by sunrise came fairly upon them. Hardie commanded the front line, with Gladden’s and Chalmer’s brigades of Bragg’s corps on his right; Bragg’s corps, less the two brigades above-mentioned, constituting the second line, followed about 400 yards distant. The corps of General Polk, following the second line at the distance of about 800 yards, in lines of brigades, deployed with their batteries in rear of each, protected by cavalry on their right. The reserves under General Breckinridge followed closely the third line in the same order, its right wing supported by cavalry. Well do I remember, being then Adjutant of the 10th Mississippi infantry, of Chalmer’s brigade, how all were spoiling for their maiden fight, in which, before they were through, they were willing to acknowledge that of choice, they would thereafter exhibit less of reckless anxiety, and more of prudent discretion. As the Tenth Mississippi (Colonel Robert A. Smith, commanding, and who was subsequently killed in the battle at Mumfordsville Kentucky, and than whom no braver spirit or better officer gave up his life during the war,) descended the last hill, in full view of the enemy’s camp, it was discovered by the position of “an Indiana regiment” standing behind an improvised breastwork of knapsacks, a little retired from the crest of the hill beyond, with “arms ready,” that we were too far to the left, and ordered to march by the right flank down the ravine, until our right opposed their extreme left. And now comes the strange part of this sketch: not a gun in our regiment was loaded. In the verdancy of our military career and ardour for fight, we had overlooked one of its most elemental precautions. I heard Colonel Smith, who was sitting upon his horse a few paces in front of his line, and from his elevated position, exposed to the enemy not fifty yards off, give the commands: “Order arms; Load; “Fix bayonets,” Shoulder arms.” Then followed this pertinent language: “Soldiers, we have been ordered to charge those fellows in blue (he pointed with his sword) and I want you when I give the order to forward, to advance steadily to the top of the hill, fire with deliberation, and then give them the bayonet.” “Forward, then,” was the next sound heard, and Smith’s orders, as always, were observed. Both parties fired about the same time with deadly effect, after which the enemy broke and fled in confusion. General Chalmers immediately rode up to Colonel Smith, and after remarking in my presence, that he deserved to be a Major General, commanded him not again to expose himself so recklessly; but it being a personal, and not strictly a military order, was not obeyed, until soon after Smith’s horse was shot from under him. Throughout that day, the right, under Bragg, did not sustain a reverse, but took position after position, in such quick succession as to justify the confident belief that the entire Federal army under General Grant would be annihilated before the close of the day. About 4 p.m., as we were halted in line of battle to reform, while a brigade of prisoners just captured were being escorted by our cavalry to the rear, and preparatory to our final attack on that day, General Bragg, who justly felt proud of his day’s work, was seen riding alone in front of his victorious lines, and rapidly approaching our front. As he reached us, General Chalmers, who was likewise exultant over the action of his brigade, raised up in his stirrups, and shouted, “Pensacola troops, three cheers for our beloved commander!” Recognizing the compliment, and feeling that he had troops to follow where he was prepared to lead, he reined up, faced the brigade, and with head uncovered, looked “the noblest Roman of them all.” The white-plumed Henry of Navarre never inspired his fiery Frenchmen with more ardent enthusiasm than did this scene of Bragg’s awaken the glow of patriotism in the breasts of his Pensacola boys. They – officers and private soldiers – mutually felt that the day’s victory beloged equally to both and all. Soon after this exhilarating scene, we were again put in motion to attack the enemy’s last stronghold, being twenty-two guns massed in a semi-circle on an elongated eminence protecting his center and left, and which proved a bulwark between us and their destruction or surrender. Amidst the confusion of orders, some to “advance,” some to “retreat,” occasioned by the general order of Beauregard to retire for the night, we were in a fated hour repulsed, never again to enjoy the pleasure of having them so near in our grasp. Time, such as Wellington prayed for on the plains of Waterloo, “Oh! For Blucher or for Night!” was given to them, and they profited thereby. Buell crossed the Tennessee, and the next morning, the 7th, was as disastrous to our arms as the day before had been propitious…”
  3. Axe about Abatis

    In a Letter written from his HQ at Cairo on 7 October 1861, Brigadier General U. S. Grant provided his latest intelligence from Kentucky to Major General Fremont at St. Louis. Of interest: "The Confederates at Fort Columbus are said to have been reinforced to about 45,000 men... They talk boldly about making an attack upon Paducah by the 15th of this month." Turns out, Grant had received the above information from Brigadier General C. F. Smith, in command at Paducah. On 6 OCT 1861 Smith wrote to Grant: "The latest news from Columbus comes through the Roman Catholic priest here, tho' he does not wish it whispered. Columbus is in his division of duties. He was told that the attack on this place might be looked for on or by next Thursday, the 10th, getting this from both officers and soldiers. I give the information for what it is worth. The prevalent idea is to make a feint on the front, and attack on the flanks -- three columns of 7000 each. The trees all round are fast falling to our axes, rendering an advance by the roads a necessity." The above "defensive preparations" (felling of trees for abatis to slow, and redirect the advance of an enemy) took place before the Battle of Belmont; and these measures were taken in spite of the prevailing belief that "no attack on Paducah was seriously threatened." U. S. Grant states in his Memoirs, vol.1 (page 356) that, "At the time of the Battle of Shiloh, the pick and spade had been but little resorted to at the West." And yet, trenches were not the only defensive works available as options to Grant and his Army in the lead-up to Shiloh: the abatis and blinds were also of potential value, yet both were ignored, or actively discouraged... Still a mystery Ozzy References: Papers of US Grant, vol.3 pages 24 - 25. Grant's Memoirs vol.1 page 356.
  4. Bragg's Letter of April 8

    What follows is a letter written Tuesday evening, 8 April 1862 by Braxton Bragg to his wife, Eliza, and sent from Corinth. In it, General Bragg details his impressions of the two-day fight at Shiloh; why Day Two was necessary; and other observations. Written so close to the actual event, this letter provides insights not to be found elsewhere, including "Bragg was nearly shot twice," the "difficulty" with Randall Gibson on Day One, the capture of Ross' Michigan Battery on Sunday afternoon, and "the intelligence" provided by General Prentiss. [Found in Braxton Bragg: General by Don C. Seitz (1924) pages 111 - 3 at http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015000586084;view=1up;seq=127 ]:
  5. Puzzler

    Here's a question to ponder: Which three generals (from either side) benefited most -- professionally -- from the Battle of Shiloh? Justify your selections. Ozzy
  6. Bait and Switch

    The result of much research has determined there was "bad blood" between Don Carlos Buell and Ulysses S. Grant. This may have been the result of Grant sending wounded Confederate soldiers to Hospitals in Buell's jurisdiction after Fort Donelson. Or it may have resulted from Grant sending Nelson to take possession of Nashville (just hours ahead of Buell.) Possibly, there was some pre-war animosity that simply festered, exacerbated by the above incidents... One thing that becomes evident upon a close read of the Official Records and Papers of US Grant vol.4: when Buell began the march of his Army of the Ohio from Nashville on March 15th, he believed he was to go to the support of Charles F. Smith [see OR 11 pages 38 and 44.] Upon Buell's arrival at Savannah (where he was told by Halleck that Smith was established) Brigadier General Smith would have been junior to Major General Buell... so Buell would assume de facto command of the operation (pending the arrival of Major General Halleck.) Buell was aware of the removal from "command in the field" of Major General U. S. Grant: as late as March 14th, Buell received a telegram from Grant -- sent from Fort Henry -- in which Grant requested a gunboat on the Cumberland River be sent to him [see Papers of US Grant vol.4 page 361.] And Halleck kept up the deception -- as late as March 17th -- directing Buell: "Move on as ordered, to re enforce Smith." [Grant had been restored to command on March 15th and arrived at Savannah March 17th -- OR 11 page 44 and 38.] In Shiloh Revisited, page 490, Buell expresses dissatisfaction with the arrangement: "US Grant was restored to command, and arrived at Savannah March 17th, and he converted the encampment of Pittsburg Landing into the point of rendezvous." It is obvious that Buell felt the sting of the "bait and switch" pulled on him: he was expecting Smith; but sometime after the march commenced, he found out that Grant was in command. This could help explain: the excessive delay of Buell's arrival at Savannah; the attempt by Buell to camp his Army at Waynesboro (and await the arrival of Halleck at Savannah) the convenient delay Sunday, April 6th to make his way to Pittsburg Landing (by whatever means necessary). But most unsettling: a close read of Buell and Grant's interactions, beginning Sunday afternoon and continuing through April 7th, are not especially inspiring. In fact, the only real coordination between Grant and Buell appears to be, "You take the left, and I'll take the right." The important, "We'll move forward in the morning," seems to have been unspoken, merely assumed. No way to run a railroad... Ozzy
  7. In the 2017-18 series "Legends & Lies: Civil War," directed by Kevin R. Hershberger (and now available on YouTube), thought it might be of interest to investigate what sort of treatment was accorded the Battle of Shiloh. What follows is strictly my review, and does not reflect the viewpoint of Management of Shiloh Discussion Group: The total coverage of Battle of Shiloh is contained within Episode 2. Beginning at 24 minutes 45 seconds, the illness and subsequent death of 11 year old Willie Lincoln sets the scene (as Lincoln's attention would have been absorbed by his son's illness and subsequent death on 20 February 1862, possibly diverting attention from events taking place in the Western Theatre.) A brief interlude featuring Major General George McClellan reveals the conflict that existed and festered between that military commander and President Lincoln (and Edwin Stanton). And the coverage of the Western Theatre commences at: 26.40 Fort Henry (five seconds of mention) 26.50 Fort Donelson (featuring a poetic-license meeting between Simon B. Buckner and U.S. Grant) 32.30 Shiloh. Narrator says, "In the west, U.S. Grant chases the Rebels through Tennessee to Corinth, Mississippi. Grant stops near a church called Shiloh and waits to attack the Rebels. Grant says, effectively, 'Take five; and we'll wait for reinforcements.'" [Almost no mention of Pittsburg Landing. No mention that Grant was following "orders to wait" issued by Henry Halleck.] 33.30 Shiloh is declared "the first great slaughter of the war." The emphasis is on U.S. Grant and his performance. William Tecumseh Sherman is introduced, giving every indication that Shiloh was the start of the great friendship. [Wallace, Hurlbut, McClernand and Prentiss are not mentioned. Neither is Sunken Road, the Crossroads, the Hornet's Nest, Peabody nor Powell. Or the gunboats. Or any of the Confederate commanders...] 35.30 Day Two. Focus shifts to Confederate Samuel Todd (Mary Lincoln's brother, soldier at Shiloh.) Union reinforcements arrive overnight and facilitate a Federal offensive, conducted by Grant and Sherman, early on April 7th. 37.00 Grant ekes out a narrow victory at Shiloh. [No mention of Don Carlos Buell. No mention of General Beauregard claiming victory. No mention of Nathan Bedford Forrest's successful rearguard action on April 8th.] Since Shiloh (and Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Vicksburg and Chattanooga) get such scant coverage, the attempt was made to discover "the purpose" of this Civil War series; and it appears to be an effort to "determine how the numerous leaders, of both sides, of various capabilities filtered themselves out over the course of the war, eventually pitting Lee versus Grant." As evidence, Robert E. Lee receives substantial coverage throughout the series. Ulysses S. Grant has the entirety of Episode 7 devoted to him. Stonewall Jackson's importance to Lee is discussed, as is John Rawlin's importance to U. S. Grant. There are "items of interest" revealed in the series, as a whole: in Episode One, the poetic-license interview of John Brown by John Wilkes Booth (Booth was known to have been present at Brown's execution, but anything further is unproven); also in Episode One, the role of Benjamin Butler in getting his Massachusetts troops to Washington, D.C. (and delayed arrival of those troops encouraging President Lincoln to suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus); and the personal friendship of Abraham Lincoln and Elmer Ellsworth is well-covered... Unfortunately, the Battle of Shiloh seems to be included, merely as "the starting point" for General Grant's successful career. Ozzy References: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt4465100/?ref_=fn_al_tt_1 Legends & Lies entry at IMDB http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iGaWl8eXPaA&index=12&list=PLniqIe7xEtGMklmbe9pYqUrGLqmBOh2ut Legends & Lies: Shiloh (Episode 2) posted by Nicky Nice 1 APR 2018
  8. [Sketch of Corinth Mississippi by Adolph Metzner, on file with Library of Congress.] The following Letter of 20 March 1862 from Braxton Bragg to wife Eliza is of interest due the following: Bragg reveals the lack of discipline discovered upon his arrival in Corinth; "draconian measures" put in place by Major General Bragg to instill discipline at Corinth; discusses feeble health of General Beauregard (who is still at Jackson Tennessee, attempting recuperation) reveals pre-planning stage, before General Johnston arrives (and before decision taken on "what is to come in April.") Corinth, Miss. 20th March My dear Wife, By a hasty note from Bethel Station I announced my sudden departure for this place. Since that time I have had no time to write. Everything was in disorder and confusion here, troops arriving in large numbers without supplies, and greatly disorganized by hasty and badly conducted arrangements. Weather bad, and no accommodation, even for the sick. The [Tishomingo] Hotel a perfect pandemonium, thousands of hungry men standing against the barred door, ready to rush in and sweep the tables, regardless of sentinels or officers. Even the kitchen was not safe, meals were seized from off the fires, and the life of the hotel keeper threatened for expostulating. Poor Mr. Lea -- you remember him as the Steward at the Sweet Springs -- said he was over-matched for once. No promise of a fashionable (3 o'clock) dinner would appease the hungry multitude -- but all is now changed. With Gladden in command, and the La. regiments to charge bayonets, the swine are driven back, and the town is quiet and peaceable. It is most difficult to see what is to be our future. The enemy is threatening both flanks. At Island No.10, which is now our highest point up the river, we hold with heavy guns. But the pressure is very great against it, and the evacuation of New Madrid exposes us to be cut off from below. We have another strong position still lower, near Randolph Tenn, but not yet in good condition. My heavy guns from Pensacola are going there, and some of my old troops are there, but they need good commanders. The name of the place is unfortunate -- Fort Pillow. If we can keep them back on the Mississippi, I shall not despair at all of our losses elsewhere. We are to a great extent, however, reduced to the Fabian Policy. Our troops and our supplies are so limited and so disorganized that effective operations are out of the question unless we can have a little time to restore tone and confidence. My forces united to Genl Ruggles are here, about 22.000. Polk's and Johnston's are coming in hourly and taking position on my right and left. Your advice in your letter of the 12th is fully adopted in my own of today, organizing my command. All Tennesseans are scattered among better men in small squads, so that we can hold them in observation. I never realized the full correctness of your appreciation of them, until now. A general order, of which I enclose a copy, was predicated on their infamous proceedings, and I am glad to say had its effect. No plundering has taken place since. It is my fixed purpose to execute the first one caught in such acts. But the order, itself, and the arrest of a Colonel, have produced a very wholesome reform. Genl Beauregard has re-published the order to the whole Army, and ordered its observance. Towson was several days with the fair ladies at Jackson, and had every opportunity of seeing their merits and deficiencies, though ladies ought not to have the latter. Suffice it to say neither will please him. He has not said a word, but I will answer for him -- it is unnecessary to set forth objections. Robert and Mr. [Fader] are still with me. Bob will never do much with the Army, as he cannot stand the hardships -- exposure of any kind, or the inequality of camp life soon disables him. And we are far from being comfortable here. But still, for several days it was very hard to live at all. Genl Beauregard is still in Jackson, but proposes coming here in a few days. His health is still very feeble, and as long as he is distressed and worried, as he has been, he cannot improve. Every interview with Genl Polk [shunts] him back a week. But for my arrival here to aid him, I do not believe he would soon be living. His appeal for plantation bells was somewhat on the order of the "Under the enemy's guns at Castroville [Texas]" -- sensational. We have more guns now than instructed men to serve them. And metal in New Orleans for many more. May God protect and preserve you, Your Husband Braxton Bragg [Handwritten original http://repository.duke.edu/dc/braggbraxtonpapers-000846347/secst0300 at Duke University Library, Braxton Bragg Papers, items 52 - 55.] Thanks to Duke University for making this letter available online. Ozzy References: http://www.loc.gov/item/2017646911/ Tishomingo Hotel sketch by Adolph Metzner (1862) at Library of Congress. http://archive.org/stream/earlysettlersind00sowe#page/n593/mode/2up/search/Castroville resource provided for explanation of Castorville Texas. http://www.thefreedictionary.com/Fabian+policy definition of Fabian Policy.
  9. Do you know Bragg?

    The following questions are in reference to Braxton Bragg, controversial personality who acted in support of the Confederacy during the War of the Rebellion. In order to make these questions a bit easier to answer correctly, each question is posed as True-or-False. Good Luck! Leroy Pope Walker was the first Confederate Government Secretary of War (and the man who famously predicted that the Clash of Arms between North and South would be such a short affair that he offered to sop up all the spilled blood with a handkerchief.) Walker resigned in September 1861 and was appointed Brigadier General, and assigned to work for Braxton Bragg at Mobile. However, Major General Bragg found him to be of such little value as military leader that he left BGen Walker behind in Alabama when he moved the bulk of his Army of Pensacola north to take part in the fight at Shiloh. True or False. The loss of Fort Donelson on 16 February 1862 is the event that caused Secretary of War Judah P. Benjamin to order Bragg and his Army north from the Gulf Coast, that order dated 18 February 1862. True or False. Braxton Bragg suffered throughout his life from frequent migraine headaches. True or False. Major General Bragg met personally with General PGT Beauregard at Jackson Tennessee before 7 March 1862. True or False. Braxton Bragg assigned Daniel Ruggles to command of the Post of Corinth on 9 March 1862. And it was Brigadier General Ruggles (on Bragg's orders) who initiated the extensive entrenchments at Corinth Mississippi. True or False. Braxton Bragg was at Corinth and met Albert Sidney Johnston when that General arrived there on 23 March 1862. True or False. At the Battle of Shiloh, Major General Bragg held two official roles: command of a corps, and chief of staff. True or False. Artillery officer Braxton Bragg won national acclaim during the Mexican War for his heroic performance at Battle of Buena Vista. True or False. Get these wrong and a ghostly eyebrow will pay you a visit at 3 o'clock in the morning... Ozzy
  10. The following letter written by Major General Braxton Bragg to his wife, Eliza, and sent from Corinth on 29 MAR 1862 reveals the mindset of Confederate leaders in the build-up to Battle of Shiloh. Discussed in the letter: the importance of the Mississippi River to the Confederacy; incompetence responsible for the loss of New Madrid; Bragg's recommended strategy for Arkansas (and use of Van Dorn) Confederate evaluation of Union force (under C.F. Smith) and Smith's likely objectives; Bragg compares his Army of Pensacola to the forces under A.S. Johnston and Leonidas Polk; Bragg evaluates the current state of affairs, and offers suggested remedies; Letter concludes with "personal matters" (acquiring provisions for his family; and answering questions in Eliza's last letter.) Corinth, March 29th 1862 Dearest Wife, Your letters are all coming to hand since they have found me out, and yesterday I had one only three days old, written on my birthday, tho' you probably did not know it. You write under great excitement and despondency, and I must acknowledge, with much reason, but still I hope and trust a change for the better is about to occur. The rapid movement from Jackson to Bethel, and thence to this place, was to prevent the very movement you seem so much to fear. The enemy in large force ascended the Tennessee River, with a view no doubt of striking at or near this point, by which he would divide the forces of Polk and myself from those of Johnston coming west on the rail road. He landed in force and made two assails [against] our stations, one against Bethel, and one here. But finding us not only prepared to receive him, but arranging to attack him, he fell back, crossed the river with his main force, and now confronts us with only a brave few thousand, under cover of his gun boats. Desirous as I was, and Genl Beauregard was for sure, to bring on an action, it became utterly impossible. We could not cross the river; and they would not. In the mean time events have gone on very disastrously on the Mississippi River in Genl Polk's command, not from any immediate fault of his, but from a bad commander [McCown] and the unfortunate result of bad discipline, and too much whiskey. Under orders from Genl Beauregard to hold the place [New Madrid] until the last extremity, they had driven the enemy [Pope] back in New Madrid with a heavy loss. We were supplied, were fortified, and had force enough to hold out until we could reinforce them. But a big stampede got hold of them. Whiskey got into them, and a few, a false alarm that Genl Siegel, who was in front of Van Dorn in north west Arkansas, was upon them with 20,000 additional men... all was disgracefully abandoned. On the 23rd Genl Johnston reached here, Genl Beauregard came down [from Jackson] to mesh up, and a conference has resulted in changes I hope will save the Mississippi, though time is precious, and much needed. I insisted on a change of subordinate commanders of Island No.10 and Fort Pillow, which is the next point to defend if the first falls. All said they had nobody to put there, their best having been done. I offered my whole force, saying I could put any of my generals there and know they would never be stampeded. Being allowed to designate, I have sent Genl Jones to Island No.10 and Genl Villepique to Fort Pillow. I ought to have the whole command there [of Mississippi River defences] myself, and take my Pensacola and Mobile troops there. But that point I could not urge, of course, as Genl Polk, who commands, is my senior. I thought my Mobile Army was a mob, but it is as far superior to Polk's and Johnston's as the Army of Pensacola was to it. The commander of the disgrace at New Madrid [General McCown] I insist shall be arrested and tried. There is want of nerve to do it, but I shall insist, and hope yet to accomplish it. Stern, dictatorial measures are necessary, and as far as my influence goes, will be adopted. The enemy will operate on both our flanks, striking us here [at Corinth] whenever he is ready. Sooner one could not make him do it, as he is on the other side of the [Tennessee] River, which he controls by gun boats. But it is not so on the Mississippi: we control that below them, and can throw our forces at any point there by steamer. Had my opinion prevailed, we should have assailed him at New Madrid and defeated him there about the time we moved here. But fears were felt for this position, by which Genl Johnston would be divided from us. Swift measures would have saved both [New Madrid and Corinth] but that is now too late. To hold the Mississippi River is my primary object; the loss of its use be about fatal to us, and I shall unceasingly urge its importance. I find my opinions have some weight with both Johnston and Beauregard, and I shall not cease to urge my point. Johnston almost embraced me when I met him, saying, "Your prompt and decisive move, Sir, has saved me, and saved the country. But for your arrival [at Corinth] the enemy would have been between us." A change is to be made today in our organization. I believe the Army here, between the Mississippi and the Tennessee, will be called the Army of the Mississippi, as at present, but largely increased by Johnston's forces. This will all be commanded by Beauregard, and be divided in turn into two grand divisions under Polk and Bragg. Say 25,000 men each. Johnston to command all. And East Tennessee and Missouri. Under my urgent advice, supported by Polk and Beauregard, Johnston has decided to withdraw the forces of Van Dorn from Arkansas, and unite them to ours on this side of the river. This, you may recollect, I advised in January from Pensacola. Where he is, Van Dorn can do nothing; nor can he subsist his army. Arkansas is a wilderness the enemy will never penetrate. And should we unfortunately lose the Mississippi, Van Dorn there would be lost. With his addition, 20,000. If we do our duty, and work our men into soldiers, we shall be able to turn the tide, and redress our losses. But, great labor is before us, and we need not conceal the fact that great danger also threatens us. Our people, our generals, with a few exceptions, are not up to the emergency. Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri are lost to us. Such has been the outrageous conduct of our troops that the people generally and very voluntarily prefer seeing the enemy. Polk and Johnston do nothing to correct this. Indeed, the good Bishop sets the example by taking whatever he wishes -- requiring it to be paid for, it is true. But, every man is not willing to give up his house, his necessities, servants, provisions, etc., etc., even though our Government is required to pay for it. The provision question is embarrassing to us publicly and privately. Financing the great difficulty in New Orleans. And hearing such accounts from Mr. Urquhart, I bought 20,000 pounds of bacon in Mississippi which was offered me as a favor. It will be shipped to Mr. Urquhart and by him one half to you and the other half to Towson. It will be more than either will require, or ought to use. Half of it ought to suffice. The other I thought it prudent to take as we might supply Pierce and your Mother. We face weeks more, not a pound of meat can be had in the country. The money you speak of for the girls, I paid to Towson in cash. He tells me he deposited it to your Mother's credit with Mr. Urquhart for the girls to draw on. That makes it all right. She is charged with it, but look on the other side and see if she is also credited? That might make it all right. Towson and Robert are well. My own health is good, besides a cold. The meantime -- Write. God Keep you Darling Wife Braxton. [The original hand-written Letter of 29 MAR 1862] is on file with Missouri History Museum -- Missouri Digital Heritage -- in the "St. Louis Civil War Collection" and accessible online at the following: http://cdm.sos.mo.gov/cdm/compoundobject/collection/CivilWar/id/1261/rec/20 Thanks to Missouri History Museum for making the original letter available online. Ozzy
  11. Battle of Shiloh

    Just for something a bit different... We are all familiar with the poems of Shiloh veterans Leander Stillwell, Ambrose Bierce and Theodore O'Hara. The following poem was encountered in the Volume 1, No.8 edition of Confederate Veteran (published August 1893.) Let me know what you think -- Ozzy.
  12. Staff officer to General Grant, officially designated as ADC after Fort Donelson, William R. Rowley commenced his Civil War career as a First Lieutenant in the 45th Illinois (known as the Lead Mine Regiment) in November 1861. Familiar with Congressman Elihu Washburne of Galena, Captain Rowley communicated frequently with his Member of Congress (and sometimes on General Grant's behalf.) The following link connects to a Letter written by Captain Rowley at Pittsburg Landing on 19 April 1862 to an associate of Elihu Washburne, Edward Hempstead. Hempstead copied Rowley's letter, and sent that transcript to Congressman Washburne (which is where this version of the Letter was found, in the Washburne Papers.) http://www.usgrantlibrary.org/usga/newsletters/volume10.asp [Rowley Letter of 19 April 1862 at top of page, courtesy of Ulysses S. Grant Presidential Library, and contained in Newsletter of January 1973 (Volume 10).] On Sunday morning, April 6th, Captain Rowley was at Savannah and heard the firing of cannon from 9 miles away, to the south-southwest. Travelling in company with General Grant aboard Tigress, Rowley arrived at Pittsburg Landing between 9- 9:30 a.m. and was in company with General Grant (or delivering orders from General Grant) during much of Day One at Shiloh. Of particular interest: Captain Rowley was riding west from the Landing, in company with General Grant, just after 1 p.m., when the second messenger returned from his "visit" to General Lew Wallace. After hearing Cavalry officer Frank Bennett's report, General Grant sent Rowley, in company with Lieutenant Bennett, back north across Wallace Bridge to confront Major General Wallace and demand that he come to Pittsburg Landing via the River Road. Captain Rowley was equipped with authority to "provide orders in writing" if Lew Wallace so demanded. Captain Rowley and his escort departed about 1:20 p.m., and arrived at Pittsburg Landing -- in company with the Third Division -- after sunset. [These details need to be kept in mind when reading Rowley's letter.] The other thing to keep in mind: this letter from William Rowley was written in response to a Letter of 14 April 1862 from Edward Hempstead, in which Hempstead asked five specific questions [with Rowley's response in brackets]: Had General Grant been drinking, prior to the battle of Shiloh? [No. Rowley indicated he had only ever seen Grant take three or four drinks, total, during the entire time he knew him. And he had had no alcohol prior to Battle of Shiloh.] Was General Grant really at Savannah when the Battle started? [Yes... (although Rowley shaves substantial time away from Grant's absence from Pittsburg Landing).] Did General Grant really lead the Last Charge on Monday? [Yes. And Rowley gives details...] Does General Grant have any political aspirations? [No. And do not worry, he has no intention of ever becoming President.] Why were there no entrenchments at Pittsburg Landing? [Rowley provides an answer you'll have to read for yourself.] As significant as is William Hillyer's letter (also on this SDG site), William Rowley's response to Edward Hempstead provides details of Grant's decisions, operations and movements, not to be found anywhere else; and this four-page Letter (written after the arrival of Henry Halleck at Pittsburg Landing) is highly recommended, and worth the twenty minutes required to read and digest. Cheers Ozzy Other references: Autobiography of Lew Wallace, vol.1 (1906) pages 466 - 474 (for Lew Wallace's impression of Captain Rowley.) OR 10 pages 178 - 180 [Rowley's April 1863 report detailing his meeting and discussions with Lew Wallace on April 6th 1862.] "Eye Witness account, William S. Hillyer" posted by Idaho Native at SDG.
  13. ( Confederate Veteran Magazine, March 1895.) Much deserving credit is accorded Major D. W. Reed in helping make Shiloh NMP what it is today. But, "unrecognized others" were just as necessary to the creation of, "the wondrous preserve that is Shiloh NMP and Cemetery" (including the survey team, pictured above.) In Confederate Veteran (volume 3, edition of March 1895, pages 75 - 77) begins an extensive article that details work of some of the other men (and provides photographs): Colonel E T. Lee and Captain J. W. Irwin, just two mentioned. Others include Colonel Cornelius Cadle (Park Commissioner), General Don Carlos Buell (Park Commissioner -- page 104), and Captain James Williams (Assistant Secretary of Shiloh Battlefield Association, former member of Brewer's Cavalry Battalion, then living in Savannah Tennessee.) The article begins with an "invitation to attend the Second Reunion at Shiloh, to be held April 5 and 6 1895 at Pittsburg Landing," and flows into a description of the work done by Colonel E. T. Lee of Monticello Illinois (Secretary of the Shiloh Battlefield Association.) E. T. Lee also wrote a four column article on Battle of Shiloh (included in references at bottom.) On page 77 the details of Captain J. W. Irwin are revealed (former member of Confederate Cavalry that was absorbed into N. B. Forrest's command.) A two-page article detailing service with General Forrest is included. Much additional information is to be found in volumes 3 and 4 of Confederate Veteran, but the Index does not allow effective searching. [Best to click on the "Catalog Record," below; select the desired volume; and in Search Box at top of that volume, insert "Shiloh" for references IRT the creation of the Military Park.] Regards Ozzy References: http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044035882372;view=1up;seq=104 Confederate Veteran, volume 3. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000528187 Catalog Record for Confederate Veteran Magazine (all issues, 1893 - 1922.) http://newspapers.library.in.gov/cgi-bin/indiana?a=d&d=INN18950302-01.1.11 Indianapolis News of 2 MAR 1895, page 11, "Shiloh Memorial Park" by E. T. Lee. N.B. Did anyone else notice the steamboat in the background? Might be the Edgar Cherry.
  14. Review of Badeau

    Sometimes it is good to return to a reference you have not paid attention to in a while, if only to realize "how much your own knowledge has grown." Sometimes, unexpected revelations are uncovered that were, somehow, missed "the first time around." Such is the case with the attached work (only that portion detailing the period between Fort Donelson and start of Battle of Shiloh subjected to scrutiny. But for our purposes, that is enough.) The original work was released in time for the Presidential Campaign of 1868. http://archive.org/details/militaryhistory02badegoog 1885 edition of U. S. Grant Biography by Adam Badeau Review of Adam Badeau’s “Lead-up to Battle of Shiloh” (contained in pages 58 – 76 of The Military History of Ulysses S. Grant: April 1861 to April 1865, Volume One, published 1867) Adam Badeau (1831 – 1895) was an author and essayist working in New York when the Civil War erupted. In 1862 he decided to “throw in with the Union” and was incorporated onto the Staff of T. W. Sherman (the other General Sherman, Thomas, who until May 1862 was mostly involved “back East.”) To be part of Henry Halleck’s Crawl to Corinth, General T. W. Sherman was called west and placed in command of a Division; and Adam Badeau came, too. Badeau was later wounded during the Siege of Port Hudson (1863) and was sent home to recover. Finally healed in early 1864, and at the urging of John Rawlins, Adam Badeau was “brought into the Staff Family” of U. S. Grant (and served as “Military Secretary.”) LtCol Badeau developed and maintained a close connection to General (and soon-to-be President) Grant that continued until the end of Grant’s life. Late in 1867 Adam Badeau published a book (that might be called, “the Authorized Biography of U.S. Grant”) but was instead titled, The Military History of Ulysses S. Grant: from April 1861 to April 1865, Volume One. Because Adam Badeau intended to cover Grant’s entire Civil War career, Volume One did end with Lee’s Surrender at Appomattox (but the extent of material that became available caused Badeau to rework “Grant’s Military History” into a two-volume set, released in 1881 and 1885.) In meantime, “other things” got in the way: Grant ran for President in 1868; and Adam Badeau accepted one official posting after another, putting the “extended version” of Grant’s Authorized Biography on hold, for a while. Despite the Preface to Volume One claiming, “I have not meant to state one fact unless it came under my own personal observation, or has been told to me by the General or one of his important officers, or unless I know it from Official Papers,” there is evidently a lot of “massaging” that took place before Adam Badeau released this work to the public in 1867. Grant’s “Military Secretary” was a strong supporter (and promoter) of the General: wherever possible, Badeau placed Grant in a favourable light. That being said, it is still worth reading this Biography (if for nothing else, to find out the original source of many of the “Grant claims” that persist to the present day.) Also consider: Badeau was not at Shiloh; so the information presented likely came direct from U.S. Grant and John Rawlins. [This review covers only the period following Success at Fort Donelson, until commencement of Battle of Shiloh, and is available for free use – Ozzy.] Beginning Page 58 is to be found, “On February 21st, C. F. Smith took Clarksville.” [Grant had authorized Smith to take Clarksville on 21 FEB 1862, but Smith may not have completed establishing his force there, drawn from the Second Division at Fort Donelson, until the 23rd. Why is this important? Because of the timing of Grant’s trip to Nashville: if the reader assumes Grant inspected Smith’s force at Clarksville on or about February 21st, then General Grant has time to return to Fort Donelson before making the voyage to Nashville, some date closer to the 27th – see OR 7 page 649. ] [The presentation of the Nashville Visit is of interest because it introduces many of the “tools of massage” made use, later, by Badeau; to include time compression or time extension (as required); sequence of events out of order; omission of inconvenient facts; obfuscation. Outright lies are only resorted to rarely, and usually presented in a cloak of “possibly being true.”] [See SDG “The Real Story of Nashville” for comparison of two versions of the same Visit to Nashville, remembering it was 100 river miles from Nashville to Fort Donelson.] Page 59 relates the reaction of U.S. Grant to being “caught in the act” of visiting Nashville without authority: Badeau attempts to persuade the reader that Grant “did nothing wrong” in going to Nashville; he had simply “asked for permission in a novel way” (if permission was not specifically withheld, Grant assumed he had authority to go.) Badeau conveniently leaves out the 25 FEB telegram (recorded in Sherman’s Memoirs) in which Henry Halleck directed General Grant to “move across to Fort Henry and establish your HQ there.” Grant takes the stance of “wronged party” and states that “his intentions were simply misunderstood” and the unreliable telegraph system delayed receipt of orders, and the sending of his own reports… and, besides, the new District of West Tennessee had no defined boundaries (conveniently ignoring that whatever those boundaries were, they were completely contained within Halleck’s Department of the Missouri... and subject to Halleck’s oversight.) [Halleck was yet to be awarded expansion of his Department; and he needed to keep on friendly terms with Buell. But Grant and Badeau would both know that the average reader was not familiar with the specifics of Army Command Structure.] [On 11 MAR 1862 Henry Halleck gained “promotion” to an expanded area of responsibility – the Department of the Mississippi. This expanded department incorporated everything Halleck desired west of the Mississippi; and included the absorption of Buell’s District (and continued control over Grant’s District.) This expanded authority gave Henry Halleck ability to formulate and launch operations into southwest Missouri; down the Mississippi River; and along the Cumberland and Tennessee River valleys. And this huge development is simply not mentioned by Badeau (page 62 is where the reader should find this.)] [Instead, from page 63 there begins a number of pages of seemingly endless exchanges between Halleck and senior officials “back East” which ends with Badeau asserting that “General Grant’s new District had undefined boundaries” ( ...so order is delivered from chaos).] On page 66, after implying that “General Grant was unjustly removed from command of the Tennessee River Expedition,” Badeau relates Halleck’s reinstatement of Grant to command on March 13th, with the direction, “Do not bring on a general engagement at Paris.” Badeau goes on to relate “conditions and situation at Savannah, Crump’s and Pittsburg,” as Grant found them, upon his arrival March 17th: · Pittsburg Landing had been selected by C. F. Smith; · C. F. Smith had been unsuccessful at cutting the railroad (and the introduction of Corinth as “a position of first strategic importance” is made known to the reader); · Badeau seems to indicate “fore-knowledge” that Grant possessed IRT the Confederate build-up at Corinth being ultimately aimed at an attack against Pittsburg Landing. [The intention is to portray Buell as “tardy” in his arrival at Savannah; but leaves the unintended question: “If Grant suspected they were coming, why no entrenchments?”] · Also, if Buell was unnecessarily tardy, why did General Grant tell General Bull Nelson to “expect transport to Pittsburg Landing on Monday or Tuesday, at the earliest” and to General Buell’s request for a meeting on April 5th, reply to that officer “He would be at Savannah to meet him April 6th?” (see OR 10 pages 330 – 331 Jacob Ammen’s Diary; and OR 11 page 91 and Papers of US Grant vol.5 page 16. ) Beginning page 69 is the “difficulty presented by John McClernand,” first by not following orders “issued within two hours of Grant’s arrival at Savannah” for McClernand’s Division to move to Pittsburg Landing. [The reader is left wondering, “How could obviously incompetent McClernand spend a week moving nine miles?”] Next, John McClernand is introduced as the “initiator” of Rank and Seniority problems at Pittsburg Landing. [Never mind that Grant attempted to deny McClernand his rightful position as “acting commander” at Pittsburg in Grant’s absence; or that McClernand was senior to C.F. Smith… and McClernand was responding to an injustice performed by his commander. Or that McClernand’s Division was delayed getting to Pittsburg due to Grant’s own decisions (including the Pinhook Expedition, which had to be authorized by General Grant or General Smith.)] On page 70 U.S. Grant (through Badeau) provides reasons why he remained at the Cherry Mansion: he had to organize arriving troops; he had to be able to communicate with General Buell. The situation “was on its way to being resolved” (according to Badeau) when Grant released a communication on March 27th indicating his intention to move to Pittsburg Landing; and Grant especially meant to go when John McClernand started causing problems… but something always came up. And then, he had to wait for Buell… B. M. Prentiss gets his share of massaging [but why?] “March 26th is when the Sixth Division was formed” [but Prentiss was not there until March 30th, at the earliest.] The first reported interaction of Benjamin Prentiss with anyone at Pittsburg Landing occurred on April 1st when Prentiss tasked Madison Miller with command of the 2nd Brigade. [Why was it necessary to artificially extend Prentiss’s time in the field at Pittsburg Landing?] On page 71, Badeau massages “Do not bring on a general engagement” into “Do not bring on an engagement until Buell arrives.” [Henry Halleck had had communications with both Buell and Grant in which he indicated intention to take personal command and lead the combined Army of Grant and Buell towards Corinth – see OR 11 pages 64, 66, 94 and SDG “Not just pictures” post of 5 July 2017 “Halleck to come after Island No.10 agony is over” – Agate. ] Also on page 71, Badeau claims, “In accordance with Halleck’s orders, General Grant remained strictly on the defensive…” [without realizing the obvious question that generates: “Then why no defensive works?”] As to “the surprise” of April 6 – “The frequent skirmishes, beginning April 2nd, kept the men on alert” [found on page 72.] On April 4th Lew Wallace reported “a big force of Rebels at Purdy and at Bethel” [which is obviously an attempt to justify the orders that came later, at Crump’s Landing on April 6th.] “From Lew Wallace’s report, General Grant notified WHL Wallace to be ready to support Lew Wallace.” On page 73, Bull Nelson is recorded as having reported to General Grant on April 5th “and Grant marched Nelson south of Savannah in order to be across from Pittsburg Landing, only five miles away, in the event of trouble.” [It gets better…] “Since Lew Wallace’s troops rebuilt the Wallace Bridge over Snake Creek, they should have been familiar with [that route leading to Pittsburg Landing.]” [McPherson restored that bridge, but did not finish the job.] After issuing orders to Lew Wallace on the morning of April 6th, General Grant “hurried on to Landing at Pittsburg, arriving there at about 8 o’clock” [p. 76.] References as cited.
  15. Spoils of War

    While researching the 18th Missouri Infantry, ran across an interesting article in the St. Joseph Morning Herald for 22 May 1862 (page 2 col.4, about halfway down): "The steamer Gladiator arrived at St. Louis with seven thousand damaged guns aboard, recovered from Battlefield of Shiloh." That's a lot of damaged guns... Ozzy Reference: http://digital.shsmo.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/stjoemh/id/424/rec/21 St. Joseph Morning Herald for 22 May 1862.
  16. W. James Morgan, a grocer from Brunswick Missouri, with experience involving militia organizations "back East," began recruiting Morgan's Rangers in mid-1861. Originally a mounted infantry battalion, the decision was made authorizing the expansion of Morgan's Rangers into a full-sized infantry regiment (and James Morgan was appointed Colonel.) In December 1861, the 18th Missouri Infantry completed its formation; and James Morgan continued operating in Northern Missouri (where his "unsavory practices" soon came to the attention of higher authority.) Colonel Morgan was removed from command, and replaced by Madison Miller. Madison Miller was a 50-year old "man of many talents," originally from Pennsylvania, who found himself "moving progressively westward" over the course of his life. In Illinois when the Mexican War broke out in 1846, Miller joined the 2nd Illinois Infantry Regiment and became Captain of Company I. Mentioned in Despatches at Buena Vista, Captain Miller mustered out with his regiment at the end of that war... and with nothing better to do, Madison Miller got caught up in Gold Fever and joined the Rush to California (where he spent three years: first as prospector; then as supplier of goods; finally, active in politics.) Done with California, Miller returned to Missouri and settled in Carondelet, a suburb of St. Louis along the Mississippi, and set up a steam ferry. Returning to politics, Madison Miller was elected Mayor of Carondelet (and also served in the State Legislature at Jefferson City.) And, going from strength to strength, Miller was appointed to the Board of Iron Mountain Railroad. In Jefferson City when the Rebellion broke out (and caught up in the pro-North/South-leaning chaos that was Missouri Politics) Madison Miller made his way to Washington, D.C., and offered his services in raising "a pro-Union militia company." Permission was granted, and "Captain" Miller returned to St. Louis, raised the company (which was incorporated into Frank Blair's 1st Missouri Infantry) and saw service at Battle of Wilson's Creek in August 1861. Partly due to the attrition at Wilson's Creek, and partly due to men refusing to reenlist after their three-month term of service expired, Madison Miller took those stalwarts that remained and established a new organization: Battery I of the 1st Missouri Light Artillery. His efforts in organizing the new organization and drilling the men caught the attention of former artillery officer, now Brigadier General John Schofield. So when a "change of command was needed" for the 18th Missouri Infantry, Captain Madison Miller was tapped to replace the in-disgrace James Morgan. Colonel Miller took command of the 18th Missouri effective 31 January 1862. It was deemed best to remove the 18th Missouri from Northern Missouri, so the regiment was assigned duty at Bird's Point. According to Madison Miller, on the way to that new duty station, the 18th Missouri was "re-tasked" with securing the transport by steamer of two enormous siege guns (see M. Miller bio, page 66). The siege guns were eventually delivered to Foote and Buford's forces in vicinity of Island No.10 and the 18th Missouri complied with their original orders and reported to Bird's Point. On 11 March 1862, IAW Special Orders No.220 issued at St. Louis, "the 18th Missouri and 81st Ohio are ordered to proceed to the District of West Tennessee and report to Major General Grant." The 81st Ohio showed up; but the 18th Missouri was diverted to Smithland Kentucky, near the mouth of the Cumberland River, and briefly occupied that post. On March 24th, IAW instructions sent from Henry Halleck to Brigadier General W. K. Strong at Cairo, "the Post at Smithland is to be disestablished: the Waterhouse Battery and the 18th Missouri are to be sent to U. S. Grant." There is evidence that Waterhouse's Battery reported to General Grant on March 30th. But, according to Madison Miller (Bio page 67) "he and his 18th Missouri did not report until seven days before the Battle of Shiloh" [which would be March 31st.] Colonel Miller continues: "I was ordered to report for duty with General Prentiss. But, no one knew where General Prentiss was... Eventually, I found a wagon and driver (the driver agreed to carry me to the Sixth Division, for a fee) and I was hauled two or three miles out, to Sixth Division Headquarters. An Adjutant directed me to a site, east of the HQ, where the 18th Missouri was to go into camp." "Next day [April 1st] I was approached by General Prentiss, and assigned as Commander of the 2nd Brigade of the Sixth Division... which shortly consisted of the 18th Missouri, 61st Illinois and 18th Wisconsin (and the 15th Michigan attempted to become part of the Brigade.)" Colonel Miller spent the next few days attempting to "organize his brigade," and hacking clear a parade ground (piling the shrubs, branches and stumps along one edge of the field.) On the morning of April 6th, Colonel Miller formed his 2nd Brigade along the north side of the cleared field, "behind the line of piled debris" ...but he was told by General Prentiss to "Move forward, [and engage the enemy..."] Ozzy References: wikipedia (for Madison Miller and W. James Morgan) http://www.trailsrus.com/civilwar/region1/smithland.html Smithland Kentucky http://cdm.sos.mo.gov/cdm/compoundobject/collection/nwmo/id/2569/rec/6 Personal Recollections of the 18th Missouri (including Madison Miller bio) http://www.findagrave.com/memorial/18469 Madison Miller at find-a-grave OR 52 pages 222 and 229.
  17. Just supposin'

    The 16th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment arrived at Savannah Tennessee on 19 March, having completed a major portion of the trip aboard the steamer, Planet. On March 20th, the 16th Wisconsin accomplished the final nine miles of the voyage, debarked at Pittsburg Landing (with 1065 men, having left sick men behind at Mound City General Hospital) and went into camp... with John McArthur's 2nd Brigade of Smith's Second Division. After about a week (about March 30th) the 16th Wisconsin was detached from McArthur (who is now a Brigadier General, and under arrest) and re-assigned to a new division being formed. But, all that existed at the end of March 1862 was a single brigade, commanded by Everett Peabody, consisting of a handful of infantry, including the 25th Missouri, 12th Michigan and 16th Wisconsin. The embryonic Division Number Six does not even have a division commander: Colonel Peabody fills that role, too; and establishes camp three miles south-southwest of Pittsburg Landing (IAW instructions received directly from General Grant.) On April 1st the man "selected" for command of the New Sixth Division arrived (not Grant's choice, as he wants John Pope Cook, who on April 1st is at Cairo Illinois, awaiting transport south.) But the man who arrived at Savannah on this day was selected by Henry Halleck: Benjamin Prentiss, who likely arrived aboard steamer Iatan (which is loaded with tons of ammunition and black powder for use of Grant's Army.) But, there exists "bad blood" between Benjamin Prentiss and Ulysses Grant, stemming from Prentiss "stealing" command and recognition "rightfully" belonging to Grant, which resulted in two direct confrontations, only resolved when the Commander in Missouri separated the two antagonists. General Prentiss was sent west, and General Grant was sent east; and so the matter rested... until now. Now, here was Brigadier General Prentiss reporting for duty to Major General Grant (no chance of "not knowing who was senior, this time.") How could "that meeting" between Grant and Prentiss have progressed? [My guess: official. Very official.] Tension so thick it could be scraped off the walls of the Cherry Mansion... Did Prentiss even get a chance to say anything, besides, "reporting for duty, General" and initiating the salute? Probably, after Grant acknowledged the official greeting. And then demanded to know, "Where have you been, General Prentiss?" (Because Grant knows that Prentiss detached from duty in Missouri on March 15th, and arrived at Cairo on March 23rd.) And General Grant used that knowledge to "assign" Benjamin Prentiss to Command of the Sixth Division through Special Orders No.36 -- dated March 26th. A command, without its commander... Maybe, with a bit of luck, Grant can charge Prentiss with "Unauthorized Absence," and place him under arrest (and remove him from command of the Sixth Division.) Benjamin Prentiss was likely able to talk his way out of difficulty, by revealing the "special assignments" he had carried out for General Grant's boss, Henry Halleck. Perhaps Grant was disappointed, losing the chance to arrest Prentiss, remove him from command, and "resolve their festering dispute, once and for all" ...especially with John Pope Cook so close at hand. But, no matter: there was still a chance, if Prentiss did anything to upset the operation of the Camp at Pittsburg Landing (such as, "not follow the orders issued by Brigadier General W.T. Sherman, acting commander" during the temporary absence of C.F. Smith, who was just upstairs, recuperating from an injured leg.) In particular, Brigadier General Prentiss would be advised to "be aware of new orders, issued daily" (and carry them out); "do not send away sick men from this command without permission." Do not send anyone away without express permission from this Headquarters. "Buell is on his way; once he arrives, we will commence our march to Corinth and engage the enemy." There are known to be battalions of Rebel cavalry hovering in vicinity of the Camp at Pittsburg Landing: they are not a threat, and are of no concern to us. What is of concern, is a directive sent from Henry Halleck: "Do nothing to bring on a General Engagement." Grant probably finished with: "Do you have any concerns that will prevent you from carrying out these instructions, General Prentiss?" Having no concerns worth mentioning, General Prentiss takes his leave, with a salute. That same day (definitely no later than April 2nd) Prentiss met Everett Peabody. And Grant issued General Orders No.33 assigning artillery and cavalry to Prentiss (by name.) On April 3rd, Benjamin Prentiss selected Lieutenant Richard Derickson of 16th Wisconsin, just returned from "special duties" (retrieving the now-healthy men from Mound City General Hospital, for duty at Pittsburg Landing), to be Sixth Division Quartermaster. On April 4th, Captain A.S. Baxter (Grant's QM) assigned steamer Iatan to serve as Commissary and Quartermaster Boat for the Sixth Division; and acknowledged assignment of Lieutenant Derickson as AAQM for the Sixth Division. [The Iatan was the boat Lieutenant Derickson rode to Savannah on April 1st; the same boat General Prentiss (likely) arrived aboard... and the (likely) place Prentiss met Derickson (and knew to appoint him as Division QM when the time arose.) Again, jus supposin'... Ozzy References: Quiner's Scrapbooks, volume 5, pages 210 - 240. [On file Wisconsin Historical Society] Kevin Getchell's Scapegoat of Shiloh (2013) for Derickson and Baxter documents. OR 11 pp. 87 - 88. SDG (various) but especially "Sherman's Shiloh Map" (for location of camp of 16th Wisconsin in March 1862.)
  18. Major General Grant had only just returned to Fort Donelson (from Nashville, late on February 28th), when he received: [from Sherman's Memoirs, page 224.] A bit tongue-in-cheek, because there were no orders to Shiloh; and the above directive to MGen U.S. Grant (a telegram sent from Halleck at St. Louis on March 1st 1862) does not contain an "Orders Number." Yet, this is the communication that started it all, and it reads more as "a collection of thoughts," than an actual set of orders (perhaps sent to alert General Grant to what General Halleck intended Grant to do next -- a sort of "pre-orders orders" -- which may be why the telegram does not contain an Orders Number.) The March 1st "directive" could not have come at a worse time: Sherman, in his Memoirs (page 224) indicates that, "the telegraph line was rickety" and may have resulted in a February 25th telegram from Halleck not being received. [The 25 FEB 1862 telegram directed General Grant to move across from Fort Donelson to Fort Henry and establish his HQ ...(notice where the March 1st telegram is sent to).] General Halleck was in process of the delicate negotiation to expand his Department (and absorb Don Carlos Buell into that new Department; while remaining on cordial terms with Buell.) [If Buell complained or raised a fuss (as he did about "Rebel wounded from Fort Donelson being dumped in his hospitals"), or suddenly decided to "take care of that pesky East Tennessee Problem that President Lincoln so urgently desired," it could have upset Halleck's Grand Plan.] Shortly after sending the telegram of March 1st, General Halleck discovered, "something unusual had taken place at Nashville." First came word that C.F. Smith had gone over there [and Halleck ordered him back.] Then, Halleck learned that U.S. Grant, himself, had gone over there -- to Nashville -- and General Halleck knew that he had sent a directive (via what Halleck considered to be a reliable telegraph line) on February 25th, ordering Grant to set up HQ at Fort Henry. Soon as Grant's unauthorized visit to Nashville became apparent, the ball was set in motion for Grant "to set up those HQ at Fort Henry, and stay there." And C.F. Smith (also mentioned in the March 1st telegram) was directed to take command of the Tennessee River Expedition. Provided for a bit of clarity... Ozzy References: http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=yale.39002009162026;view=1up;seq=230 Sherman's Memoirs N.B. The 1 MAR 1862 telegram, Halleck to Grant, is also to be found OR 7 page 674 and Papers of US Grant, vol.4, page 310 (note at bottom of page.) "Danville" was the site of the MC & L Railroad Bridge, a few miles south of Fort Henry, destroyed by Curtis Horse Federal cavalry in February 1862.
  19. For those who have never read it (or have not read it in a while) here is the Shiloh Report submitted by General Prentiss. Cheers Ozzy Prentiss’s Official Shiloh Report of November 1862 COLONEL: Upon my return from captivity in the hands of the public enemy I have the honor to submit my report of the part taken in the battle of the 6th of April last, near Pittsburg Landing, by the Sixth Division, Army of West Tennessee, the command of which had been assigned to me. I have the honor to transmit field return of the force which was subjected to my control, as it appeared upon the morning of the engagement, the same being marked A.# [Sixth Division field returns and casualty record – Ozzy.] Saturday evening, pursuant to instructions received when I was assigned to duty with the Army of West Tennessee, the usual advance guard was posted, and in view of information received from the commandant thereof, I sent forward five companies of the Twenty-fifth Missouri and five companies of the Twenty-first Missouri Infantry,under command of Colonel David Moore, Twenty-first Missouri. I also,after consultation with Colonel David Stuart, commanding a brigade of General Sherman's division, sent to the left one company of the Eighteenth Wisconsin Infantry, under command of Captain Fisk. At about 7 o'clock the same evening Colonel Moore returned, reporting some activity in the front-an evident reconnaissance by cavalry. This information received, I proceeded to strengthen the guard stationed on the Corinth road, extending the picket lines to the front a distance of a mile and a half, at the same time extending and doubling the lines of the grand guard. At 3 o'clock on the morning of Sunday, April 6, Colonel David Moore, Twenty-first Missouri, with five companies of his infantry regiment, proceeded to the front, and at break of day the advance pickets were driven in, whereupon Colonel Moore pushed forward and engaged the enemy's advance, commanded by General Hardee. At this stage a messenger was sent to my headquarters, calling for the balance of the Twenty-first Missouri, which was promptly sent forward. This information received, I at once ordered the entire force into line,and the remaining regiments of the First Brigade, commanded by Colonel Everett Peabody, consisting of the Twenty-fifth Missouri, Sixteenth Wisconsin, and Twelfth Michigan Infantry were advanced well to the front. I forthwith at this juncture communicated the fact of the attack in force to Major-General Smith and Brigadier General S. A. Hurlbut. Shortly before 6 o'clock, Colonel David Moore having been severely wounded, his regiment commenced falling back, reaching our front line at about 6 o'clock, the enemy being close upon his rear. Hereupon the entire force, excepting only the Sixteenth Iowa, which had been sent to the field the day previous without ammunition,and the cavalry, which was held in readiness to the rear, was advanced to the extreme front, and thrown out alternately to the right and left. Shortly after 6 o'clock the entire line was under fire, receiving the assault made by the entire force of the enemy, advancing in three columns simultaneously upon our left, center, and right. This position was held until the enemy had passed our right flank, this movement being effected by reason of the falling back of some regiment to our right not belonging to the division. Perceiving the enemy was flanking me, I ordered the division to retire in line of battle to the color line of our encampment,at the same time communicating to Generals Smith and Hurlbut the fact of the falling back, and asking for re-enforcements. Being again assailed, in position described, by an overwhelming force, and not being able longer to hold the ground against the enemy, I ordered the divisions to fal back to the line occupied by General Hurlbut, and at 9.05. a.m. reformed to the right of General Hurlbut, and to the left of Brigadier General W. H. L. Wallace, who I found in command of the division assigned to Major-General Smith. At this point the Twenty-third Missouri Infantry, commanded by Colonel Tindall, which had just disembarked from a transport,and had been ordered to report to me as a part of the Sixth Division, joined. This regiment I immediately assigned to position on the left. My battery (Fifth Ohio) was posted to the right on the road. At about 10 o'clock my line was again assailed, and finding my command greatly reduced by reason of casualties and because of the falling back of many of the men to the river, they being panic-stricken- a majority of them having now for the first time been exposed to fire-I communicated,with General W. H. L. Wallace, who sent to my assistance the Eighth Iowa Infantry, commanded by Colonel J. L. Geddes. After having once driven the enemy back form this position Major General U. S. Grant appeared upon the field. I exhibited to him the disposition of my entire force, which disposition received his commendation, and I received my final orders, which were to maintain that position at all hazards. This position I did maintain until 4 o'clock p.m. when General Hurlbut, being overpowered,was forced to retire. I was then compelled to change front with the Twenty-third Missouri, Twenty-first Missouri Eighteenth Wisconsin, Eighteenth Missouri, and part of the Twelfth Michigan, occupying a portion of the ground vacated by General Hurlbut. I was in constant communication with Generals Hurlbut and Wallace during the day, and both of them were aware of the importance of holding our position until night. When the gallant Hurlbut was forced to retire General Wallace and myself consulted, and agreed to hold our positions at all hazards, believing that we could thus save the army from destruction; we having been now informed for the first time that all others had fallen back to the vicinity of the river. A few minutes after General W. H. L. Wallace received the wound of which he shortly afterwards died. Upon the fall of General Wallace, his division,excepting the Eighth Iowa, Colonel Geddes, acting with me, and the Fourteenth Iowa, Colonel Shaw; Twelfth Iowa, Colonel Woods, and Fifty-eighth Illinois, Colonel Lynch, retired from the field. Perceiving that I was about to be surrounded, and having dispatched my aide, Lieutenant Edwin Moore, for re-enforcements, I determined to assail the enemy, which had passed between me and the river, charging upon him with my entire force. I found him advancing in mass, completely encircling my command, and nothing was left but to harass him and retard his progress so long as might be possible. This I did until 5.30 p.m., when finding that further resistance must result in the slaughter of every man in the command, I had to yield the fight. The enemy succeeded in capturing myself and 2,200 rank and file, many of them being wounded. Colonel Madison Miller, Eighteenth Missouri Infantry, was during the day in command of a brigade, and was among those taken prisoner. He acted during the day with distinguished courage, coolness, and ability. Upon Colonel J. L. Geddes, Eighth Iowa, the same praise can be partly bestowed. He and his regiment stood unflinchingly up to the work the entire portion of the day during which he acted under my orders. Colonel J. S. Alban and his lieutenant-colonel, Beall, of the Eighteenth Wisconsin, were,until they were wounded, ever to the front, encouraging their command. Colonel Jacob Fry, of the Sixty-first Illinois, with an undrilled regiment fresh in the service,kept his men well forward under every assault until the third line was formed, when he became detached, and fought under General Hurlbut. Colonel Shaw, of the Fourteenth Iowa, behaved with great coolness, disposed his men sharply at every command, and maintained his front unbroken through several fierce attacks. Colonel Tindall, Lieutenant-Colonel Morton, and Major McCullough, of the Twenty-third Missouri, are entitled to high meed of praise for gallant conduct. It is difficult to discriminate among so many gallant men as surrounded me when we were forced to yield to the overpowering strength of the enemy. Their bravery under the hottest fire is testified to by the devotion with which they stood forward against fearful odds to contend for the cause they were engaged in. To the officers and men who thus held to the last their undaunted front too much praise cannot be given. Captain McMichael, assistant adjutant-general,attached to the division commanded by General Wallace, joined me upon the field when his gallant leader fell. He is entitled to special mention for his conduct while so serving. Colonel David Moore is entitled to special mention. Captain A. Hickenlooper, of the Fifth Ohio Battery, by his gallant conduct, commended himself to general praise. My staff consisted of but three officers. Brigade Surg. S. W. Everett was killed early in the engagement, gallantly cheering the Eighteenth Missouri Regiment to the contest. Lieutenant Edwin Moore, aide-de-camp, during the entire battle, was by my side, unless when detached upon the dangerous service of his office. Captain Henry Binmore, assistant adjutant-general, was with me, performing his duty to my great satisfaction, until, being exhausted, I compelled him to leave the field. I have the honor to be, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, B. M. PRENTISS, Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers, Colonel J. C. KELTON, Asst. Adjt. Gen., U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. [from The War of the Rebellion: Original Records of the Civil War, Serial 1, Volume 10 (Shiloh) – no longer in copyright.]
  20. After Fort Donelson fell, Lew Wallace's Third Division was marched west to Fort Henry and occupied that captured Rebel fort (and Fort Heiman) until March 1862. On March 6th, the Third Division became part of General C.F. Smith's expedition up the Tennessee River... and William Rockwell, member of the 11th Indiana with an interest in medicine, commenced his 41-day diary. Reading like a fifty-page letter, details of the departure from Fort Heiman are revealed (not found anywhere else); and significant aspects of the voyage up the Tennessee River, the homesteads, "plantations," apparent friendliness of the people, and life aboard the overcrowded steamer are all discussed. And, of course, the arrival at Savannah; relocation to Crump's Landing; the Battle (and the attempt to take part, Day One); and the aftermath. (The diary finishes second week of April 1862, although newly-promoted Assistant Surgeon Rockwell survived the war, and moved to Nebraska.) On the River with the Army of the Tennessee was edited by Dr. William Rockwell's G-g-grandson, Bob Rockwell, and was self-published utilizing Lulu.com in 2011 and significant portions are available at the below link (to allow potential readers to determine if the material is of significant interest.) http://books.google.com.au/books?id=zZQtAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA24&lpg=PA24&dq=river+miles+from++fort+henry+to+savannah+tennessee&source=bl&ots=2BKcKrgVXC&sig=5EsgBJ5qxBVqUY9IVloYKvaNm_g&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjusev1vZDZAhWMi5QKHWqwDbAQ6AEILzAC#v=onepage&q=river miles from fort henry to savannah tennessee&f=false Cheers Ozzy
  21. Aaron Loder Mastin, nineteen years old from Mercer County enlisted in D.P. Brown's Company F of the 41st Illinois Infantry (Colonel Pugh) in August 1861... and immediately commenced this diary. Of interest, because it appears Private Mastin was well educated; and in February 1862, with his regiment based in Union-occupied Paducah Kentucky, Aaron Mastin was detailed as Nurse and sent to help establish/ contribute to the operation of the Female Seminary Hospital (renamed as St. John's Hospital, and officially " 7th Division Hospital" at intersection of Chestnut and Court Streets.) Prior to establishment of St. John's, the Paducah Marine Hospital near the waterfront on Hospital Street appears to have been taken over as Federal barracks (incorporated into Fort Anderson) and a variety of churches and the Court House were pressed into service as ad hoc hospitals. Army Nurse Mastin details the efforts of Dr. Kirch to initiate the Hospital; and the handover to Dr. S.A. Williams (and Surgeon T.N. Wilmans) of the 200-plus bed facility, while reporting "what was heard" from Fort Donelson, and the arrival of wounded from that conflict. In the April 5th entry, Nurse Mastin (now Ward Master at St. John's Hospital) records "the burial of deceased hospital patients in trenches." And on April 8th reports "hearing of the success at Island No.10 and the first news of General Grant's battle near Corinth." The Diary of Aaron Mastin is important for its record of hospital service in Paducah (where many of the sick and wounded from the Army of the Tennessee were taken by steamer in March and April 1862.) Ozzy References: http://www.jacksonpurchasehistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/Mastin-Diary.pdf http://www.pa-roots.com/pacw/hospitals/hospitallist.htm List of Civil War Hospitals (included to illustrate that many hospitals did not get recorded, such as Paducah's St. John's and Cairo's St. John's Hospital.) http://www.findagrave.com/memorial/26655293 Aaron L. Mastin record at find-a-grave.
  22. Part of the reason it is difficult to know what role Federal cavalry played at Fort Donelson lies in the fact many cavalry companies operated as "independent units" during the Fort Henry and Fort Donelson campaigns... and then seem to disappear from history (which is unfortunate, because these independent cavalry companies persisted through the build-up at Savannah and Pittsburg Landing; and participated in the Battle of Shiloh.) Most of these units were affiliated with the State of Illinois, and were operated by Carmichael, Dollins, O'Hartnett and Stewart. It turns out, the Independent Illinois Cavalry Companies were amalgamated in December 1862 into the 15th Illinois Cavalry Regiment (see links below.) Ozzy References: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Donelson_Union_order_of_battle (see Cavalry assigned to Colonel Oglesby's 1st Brigade) http://civilwar.illinoisgenweb.org/reg_html/cav_015.html 15th Illinois Cavalry (created from amalgamation in December 1862) http://civilwar.illinoisgenweb.org/history/c15cav.html brief History of companies attached to 15th Illinois Cavalry, beginning 1861 http://civilwar.illinoisgenweb.org/dyers/cav-stew1.html Dyer's History of Stewart's Independent Company of Illinois Cavalry
  23. In Chicago today, students attend the Frank W. Reilly Elementary School, named in honour of a gifted doctor; a talented writer; and a Shiloh veteran. Dr. Reilly's story intersects with the proud history of the 45th Illinois Infantry, also known as "the Galena Regiment," and the "Washburne Leadmine Regiment." When that unit finally mobilized sufficient numbers to muster into service in December 1861, the designated regimental surgeon, Francis Weaver, succumbed to illness: the 45th Illinois was left without a surgeon when it was sent to participate in the Operation against Fort Henry. And although heavily engaged as part of WHL Wallace's Brigade at Fort Donelson, the unit was fortunate to suffer only a handful of casualties (that were absorbed by existing medical staff.) Dr. Frank Reilly, twenty-five year old immigrant from Lancashire, England, volunteered for duty in his new home of Chicago in March 1862; was sent to Cairo before the end of the month; and reported for duty in Savannah Tennessee on April 1st, where he received assignment to the Leadmine Regiment (commanded by Colonel John Smith.) Ferried by steamer up the Tennessee River and put ashore at Pittsburg Landing, Surgeon Reilly rode out the final two miles and joined his unit April 2nd ...and immediately got to work treating the still-persisting cases acquired at Fort Donelson (mostly severe diarrhea and camp fever.) On the morning of Sunday, April 6th, there came the sound of gunfire from the direction of Sherman's Fifth Division; but because of not-infrequent eruptions of gunfire (including the discomforting sounds associated with the Picket Skirmish of April 4th) the crackling and popping was not deemed unusual: so breakfast was taken. At about 7:30 the first straggling, limping men appeared in the camp of the 45th Illinois: the sick, making their way best they could for the landing, having been turned out from Sherman's Division Hospital. Immediately after, the long roll trilled through the camps of C. Carroll Marsh's Brigade: the fighters moved forward; and support staff (including Surgeon Reilly) remained close, but in a gully to their rear (where surgical procedures commenced on the steady stream of arriving gunshot wounds.) Musicians-cum-stretcher bearers; ambulances; nurses and surgeons operated their gully-based hospital system as efficiently as possible... and relocated slightly north and east as that requirement arose. It was during one of the relocations of the surgical team, early in the afternoon, that Dr. Reilly was shot; the minie ball passed clear through the calf of his leg, grazing the bone. After stopping the bleeding, Surgeon Reilly joined the stream of men straggling towards Pittsburg Landing; after three hours of shuffling along on foot, he gained the waterfront and was taken aboard a paddle steamer; and that steamer evacuated its human cargo north. And Dr. Frank Reilly's experience with the 45th Illinois Infantry came to an end. Cheers Ozzy [References provided on request.]
  24. Ned Spencer, reporter for the Cincinnati Times, published his Battle of Pittsburg Landing on April 10th -- a day or two after the earliest reports filed by William Carroll (New York Times) and Whitelaw Reid (Cincinnati Gazette). And because this report was not "first," like Carroll's; or possessing 22000 words (like Reid's), it did not really add anything noteworthy to make it stand out. Ned also included his share of mistakes: gave praise to the 57th Ohio and 77th Ohio (when he really meant the 55th Illinois and 71st Ohio); awarded brickbats to Hickenlooper's 5th Ohio Battery (when he probably meant to criticize the 13th Ohio Battery, belonging to Myer.) And, he addd his weight to those claiming, "Prentiss was captured early in the day." Still, after overlooking the obvious mistakes, there are some gems to be uncovered: Ned Spencer made his readers aware of "the complacent Union generals" There were no proper pickets set out, at correct distance; The Navy gunboats did their bit; General Lew Wallace took a circuitous route to get to the battlefield; Records accurate time of Nelson's Division's arrival on east bank of Tennessee River; Reports Colonel Peabody's role in sending out "the 400-man patrol" (and notes that Peabody and Powell failed to survive Day One) Provides more coverage of Day Two than most news reports; And includes his summary of Shiloh: "This is THE Battle of the Great Rebellion." [Bold CAPS added, but intent apparent.] Ned Spencer: worth a read, if only to gain a slightly different perspective on a familiar story. http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84031490/1862-04-14/ed-1/seq-2/ Chicago Tribune of April 14th 1862, page 2, column 3. Ozzy
  25. In 1856, Scottish immigrant John McArthur, originally a blacksmith, who now thrived in the tough world of boiler-making, became involved with the Chicago Highland Guards. The militia organization trained and prepared; and in February 1861, with several Southern States having already seceded, Captain McArthur requested community support in order to aid in preparation and arming of the Highland Guards for active service [Chicago Daily Tribune of 6 FEB 1861, page 1.] Following Federal surrender at Fort Sumter, John McArthur tendered the service of the Chicago Highland Guards to Governor Yates: the offer was accepted, and the Guards were ordered to Springfield. President Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to assist in putting down the Rebellion; and the quota given to Illinois was six regiments of infantry (to be numbered 7 through 12.) Simultaneous with the actions of Captain McArthur, a militia company was drilling at Galena, called the "Jo Daviess Guards." Under the leadership of Augustus Chetlain, this company of volunteers departed for Springfield about April 22nd ...and Ulysses S. Grant, who had attached himself to the Jo Daviess Guards in order to provide essential training in military drill, continued that training upon arrival of the Galena company at the military camp just outside the Illinois capital, Camp Yates (where the Chicago Highland Guards, tapped by Governor Yates to form the nucleus of this last of the six quota-specified regiments -- the 12th Illinois -- was engaged in organization, recruiting and training.) By end of April 1861, the required number of men were on hand at Camp Yates; and the 12th Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiment was mustered in (for three month's service) by Captain John Pope on May 2nd: the Jo Daviess Guards became Company F; the Chicago Highland Guards became Company A; John McArthur was elected Colonel; his nearest competition in that vote -- August Chetlain -- was elected Lieutenant Colonel; and U.S. Grant reported to Governor Yates (for appointment as Adjutant General for Military Affairs of the State of Illinois.) The 12th Illinois was immediately sent away west and south to defend the line of the Ohio & Mississippi Railroad, and was based at Caseyville Illinois (Camp Bissel), a day's march from the Mississippi River, and in close proximity to St. Louis. Captain U.S. Grant arrived at Camp Bissel on an inspection tour in May 1861; and he provided guidance on the completion of required rosters, requisitions, and other paperwork [Paddock, page 263.] In June, the regiment was transfered from Camp Bissel to St. Louis... but in carrying out the movement, the orders were amended, and the 12th Illinois landed at Cape Girardeau Missouri, instead. Withdrawn to Cairo a short time later, the three month term of service was nearing completion: the 12th Illinois was re-mustered as a 3-year regiment at Cairo on August 1st; and returned to Cape Girardeau on August 7th. Called back to Cairo after a few days, the regiment stopped at Bird's Point Missouri; but the destination of Cairo was finally reached about August 27th, where the 12th Illinois commenced an association with the 9th Illinois Infantry that was destined to endure for the remainder of the war. On September 2/3 a force under Colonel McArthur executed a "feint" towards Belmont Missouri [Papers of US Grant vol.2 pages 178 - 9.] But, McArthur was back in Cairo by the evening of September 3rd. On September 5th, Brigadier General U.S. Grant led a force that included Colonel McArthur's 12th Illinois, the 9th Illinois, and artillery from Cairo to Paducah Kentucky (in response to a movement by Confederate Generals Polk and Pillow, occupying Hickman and Columbus.) The Federal occupation of Paducah was effected September 6th; General Grant returned to Cairo that same day, and left Brigadier General Eleazer Paine (9th Illinois) in temporary command, pending imminent arrival of BGen C.F. Smith. General Smith arrived September 8th and took command of the Post of Paducah; BGen Paine remained in command of the embryonic brigade, which grew to include the 9th, 12th, 40th and 41st Illinois, Buel's Battery, and Thielmann's Independent Cavalry Battalion. While based at Paducah, Colonel McArthur took part in reconnaissance and demonstrations: most notable, the feint of November 8/9 towards Fort Columbus, from the east. Possibly due to a falling out soon afterwards between C.F. Smith and Eleazer Paine, BGen Paine was re-assigned to Bird's Point Missouri on December 23rd 1861. John McArthur replaced Paine as commander of the 1st Brigade of Smith's Second Division (and soon, Smith's Division included BGen Lew Wallace, in command of the 2nd Brigade.) 1862 commenced with a bang: coincidental with George Thomas's operation at Mill Springs, John McArthur took part in a demonstration that commenced January 15th (and was led by General C.F. Smith, in person.) From Paducah, 5000 men marched to Mayfield Creek; then moved next day to Clark River. Pausing two days in vicinity of Clark River, the expedition reached Calloway Landing on the Tennessee River (twenty miles below Fort Henry) before returning north, arriving back at Paducah on the 25th. Coincident with being based at Paducah, and gaining a brigade, John McArthur saw his own 12th Illinois divided: a portion remained in Paducah (attached to the 1st Brigade) while four companies, under command of LtCol Chetlain were posted to Smithland (near the mouth of the Cumberland River.) Following February's operation against Fort Henry (during which Smith's Second Division moved up the west bank of the Tennessee River and occupied Fort Heiman) the 2nd Division was ferried across the Tennessee River, and marched across to Fort Donelson on February 12th. McArthur's 1st Brigade (now consisting of the 9th, 12th and 41st Illinois Infantry Regiments) was placed adjacent to the far left of McClernand's First Division. That position was adjusted slightly, next day; and on the evening of the 14th, following the unsuccessful gunboat offensive, McArthur was ordered to the extreme right of General McClernand's Division by General Grant [and it appears darkness and lateness of the hour prevented ability to properly scrutinize terrain and proximity of the enemy. But the intention was to anchor adjacent to a swollen creek -- or possibly the Cumberland River, south of Fort Donelson -- in the morning (OR 7 pages 174 - 5 and Badeau page 43)]. Next morning, early, the breakout attempted by the Confederate defenders of Fort Donelson commenced. And John McArthur was in the wrong place, at the wrong time. [And as Colonel Oglesby noted, "without [organic] artillery support" (OR 7 page 185)]. Afterwards, it is said that Grant blamed McClernand for the near disaster, due to not properly anchoring his right. But, the blame could easily have been ascribed to McArthur's 1st Brigade. In Fact, Grant may have blamed both organizations: upon the surrender of Fort Donelson, while Smith's Division was given pride of place in the former log huts belonging to the Rebels, and inside the fort-proper, McClernand (in written orders to include McArthur's Brigade) was kept outside; and assigned picket duties, patrol and "fatigue duties" ...so tiresome and irksome that McClernand eventually complained [see OR 7 pages 625 and 633; and Papers of US Grant vol.4 page 242.] As is now known, U.S. Grant had lost confidence in his former friend, John McClernand; and that when the Federal camp was established at Pittsburg Landing, Grant refused to recognize McClernand's seniority (and placed Brigadier General Sherman in charge there, during Grant's absence.) What is not so well known: a similar "demotion" appears to have also occurred with John McArthur, beginning with re-numbering of his 1st Brigade (to 2nd Brigade, effective February 21st -- Papers of US Grant vol.4 page 263.) Then, with U.S. Grant returned to field command, upon his arrival at Savannah he ordered "Smith's Division to leave vicinity of Savannah [most of those men were still aboard steamers] and disembark at Pittsburg Landing." C.F. Smith was then lying in bed aboard the steamer, Hiawatha, unable to walk. So, when the Second Division disembarked at Pittsburg Landing on March 18th, the senior brigade commander would be in acting-command in Smith's absence. On March 19th, Colonel Jacob Lauman was ordered, "to report to the Second Division and report to General C.F. Smith for assignment to a brigade as its commander." Since Smith was absent from Pittsburg Landing, soon-to-be Brigadier General Lauman took charge of the 1st Brigade; and assumed the role of "in command, temporary, of Smith's Division." Problem was this: Colonel Lauman was junior to Colonel McArthur. Even after Lauman was promoted BGen, effective March 21st, he was junior to BGen McArthur, also promoted March 21st. Conveniently, John McArthur was arrested on March 28th for violation of orders. And while McArthur was in arrest, General Grant replaced Lauman (who reported to Stephen Hurlbut) with WHL Wallace -- a Brigadier General who was senior to Lauman and McArthur. And U.S. Grant allowed McArthur to stew... until the Confederates rushed north from Corinth; and on Sunday morning, April 6th, the Rebels caught everyone by surprise. Regards Ozzy References: OR 7 (pages as sited) Papers of US Grant volumes 2 and 4 (pages as sited) http://archive.org/stream/illinoisatshiloh00illi#page/30/mode/2up/search/McArthur Illinois at Shiloh http://archive.org/stream/biographicalsket00wils#page/18/mode/2up John McArthur bio at Illinois Officers http://archive.org/stream/militaryhistory02badegoog#page/n68/mode/2up/search/McArthur Badeau's Military History of US Grant, vol 1, page 43. http://suvcw.org/mollus/war/ILv2.htm Major George L. Paddock's article IRT 12th Illinois creation. Chicago Daily Tribune (edition and page as sited). General Orders No.63 of June 10th 1862 [recent promotions and their rankings].
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