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hank last won the day on December 21 2017

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    58th Illinois Volunteer Infantry

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  1. Just supposin'

    “The Devil is in the Details.” As part of understanding what happened at Shiloh even the smaller details become of interest. The question as to when heroes Brigadier General Prentiss and Colonel Everett Peabody reached Pittsburg Landing is of consequence when trying to analyze what really was the relationship between these two men. When did they first meet? Prentiss had probably heard of Peabody in Missouri but I have not found anything to indicate they had actually met before Shiloh. Based on my research I wrote the following paragraph in a longer document I am working on concerning what really happened at Shiloh: “The 25th Missouri left St. Louis on the steamer Continental on March 26th bound for Pittsburg Landing. En route they were joined by Prentiss and his meager staff at Paducah so that gave Prentiss and Peabody an opportunity to become acquainted. They reached Pittsburg landing the night of March 28th and disembarked the next day.” The source of this information is Major General Charles Morton. Charles Morton was a boy of 16 at Shiloh. After the war he went to West Point and then served out west fighting Indians. In the forum “25th Missouri at Shiloh” Ozzy introduced Charles Morton and gave the following link for his paper “A Boy at Shiloh.” On page 56 is the statement about picking up Prentiss at Paducah. http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?num=52&u=1&seq=96&view=image&size=100&id=wu.89065903692&q1=Loyal+Legion Charles Morton wrote another paper “Opening of the Battle of Shiloh.” Pages 8 and 9 describe the boat ride to Pittsburg Landing and names the steamer “Continental.” Here is a link to Morton’s paper. https://archive.org/details/openingofbattleo00mort I put the two accounts together to come up with the paragraph listing the name of the steamer and that Prentiss joined the 25th Missouri aboard the Continental at Paducah. All four Morton brothers survived the war but a brother-in-law was killed at Shiloh defending the camp of the 25th Missouri. In his later years Charles Morton would host a dinner every April 6th and invite participants and they would discuss what they remembered about the battle. Hank
  2. I can hardly wait. I look forward to it. In the mean time here is Jack Nicholson impersonating me when it comes to Shiloh revisionists: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UXoNE14U_zM Hank
  3. I needed a break from my continuing and relentless efforts to crush the Shiloh revisionism malarkey of the last forty years or so and decided to see if I could answer this quiz. 1. The man of many talents, Lew Wallace, sat on the Military Tribunal that tried Booth’s accomplices in 1865. 2. Ulysses S. Grant was fortunate his wife did not like Lincoln’s wife and she had no desire to accompany the Lincolns to Ford’s Theatre on the night of April 14, 1865. Lincoln’s so called security detail failed him miserably but Grant also traveled with a security detail and had he went with Lincoln that night history would be different. 3. My trusted copy of The Bold Cavaliers revealed the name of this officer and the same picture. The man is Thomas Henry Hines and the picture was credited to the Filson Club in Louisville, Kentucky. 4. Hines studied law in Toronto with none other than the former vice-president of the United States, John C. Breckinridge. (Source – Wikipedia) 5. The staff officer was an aide to P.G.T. Beauregard at Shiloh. His name is Jacob Thompson and he served in the cabinet of President Buchanan along with the notoriously inept Rebel General John B. Floyd. (I just searched on Google with the clues given and found his name) 6. Vincent Price would have made a superb Dr. Luke Blackburn as the story was told of his attempts to introduce Yellow Fever to Northern cities. Interesting to find that despite the attempt at biological warfare Blackburn was elected governor of Kentucky in the 1870s. Anyway, searching Google I eventually found a page of a book which was the biography of John C. Breckinridge and in it was described Dr. Blackburn attending to Breckinridge. They were both Kentuckians so it made sense. It is a little tricky to have John C. Breckinridge the answer to two disparate questions but the search for these answers was, as always, beneficial and informative in learning additional facts about the battle of Shiloh. Merry Christmas and Happy New Year to all. Hank
  4. Epic Trek 2017: Update

    I have my reservation in Savannah and plan to be there as scheduled. Since the research I have done over the years involves Prentiss, Peabody, Powell, the opening of the fight and the Sunken Road and Hornets’ Nest I invite anybody from this group and any others who have an interest to meet me at 9 AM on Sunday, Nov. 12, at the Prentiss headquarters monument where I will share information on Prentiss. Then I plan to visit Peabody’s monument to have a discussion of what happened in the opening of the fight. After that we will make a trip to the Hornets’ Nest to discuss the action there and along the Sunken Road. Other details like the amount of walking and time frame will be worked out once we get started. I have no fixed time for ending but figure on continuing as long as there is an interest to do so. I was going to offer to do this after the morning Trabue hike but since those plans have changed I adjusted to start Sunday morning. Hank
  5. David W. Reed's brother

    David Reed’s brother was Corporal Milton Reed and died of disease in Jackson, Tennessee on February 2, 1863 at age 19 and was originally buried there. His body was moved to the Corinth National Cemetery after the war where it is marked with a headstone. The name is misspelled as Milton T. Roed instead of Reed. Tim Smith wrote an article on Reed published in The Annals of Iowa, vol. 62, no. 3, ccin 2003 that relates the story. Find a Grave has a picture of the headstone. Hank
  6. Name that Road

    I go with the Corinth Road at the south end of the park.
  7. First Capital to fall

    The Confederate recognized capital of Kentucky was Bowling Green. The Confederates left Bowling Green after the fall of FortHenry on February 6, 1862 and prior to the fall of Nashville so it was the first Confederate recognized capital to go under Union control. In Missouri the contender would be Neosho. The South recognized Missouri as a Southern state but that was later in 1861 and the Union had already occupied Jefferson City in June 1861. Then the secessionist Jackson government set up in Neosho on October 21, 1861. But ten days later the government moved to Cassville. This southwestern part of Missouri was in turmoil until the battle of Pea Ridge on March 7-8, 1862 so it is hard to tell which side was occupying which town at which time. Perhaps the Union could claim control of Neosho before Nashville fell. Claiborne Fox Jackson was the secessionist Rebel governor of Missouri who was driven into exile and tried to take Missouri into the Confederacy and failed. Jackson died on December 6, 1862. George Johnson was the Rebel governor of Kentucky with the Shiloh connection. The connection being he was killed there fighting on foot in the private ranks of the Orphan Brigade from Kentucky on April 7, 1862. On April 6 he was mounted but his horse was killed so he took an oath as a private and fought on April 7 in the ranks. After the secessionist government of Missouri fled the state they set up in Arkansas but ended up in Marshall, Texas and that is where the Missouri Confederate government was at the end of the war. Go Cubs!!!!!! Hank
  8. Hello from 58th Illinois

    Welcome to the group Pat, As my great-great-grandfather was also with the 58thIllinois and was captured at Shiloh and held as a prisoner until October 1862 I have studied the regiment for a long time. I have a roster of the regiment and if you would state your great grandpa’s full name I could look for him in the roster. The only officer I found with the first name of Patrick was Patrick Gregg. Some of the privates from Shiloh got paroled in May but others did not get paroled until October. As Ed Bearss was a marine I am sure it added to the experience of being on a battlefield with him. There is lots of information on this site and the search option can help you find it. Search the 58thIllinois and you will find numerous postings that should be of interest. I have been to every battlefield the 58thIllinois fought on during the war. The purpose of this forum is to share information so ask away. Cheers, Hank
  9. In the “Charles C. Cloutman Papers, Special Collections, State Historical Society of Iowa, Des Moines” there is a memorial book dedicated to Captain Charles Cloutman of Company K of the 2nd Iowa. Captain Cloutman led his company up the slopes of Fort Donelson on February 15, 1862 and was shot dead through the heart during the advance on the fort. He was 37 years old and had a wife and three children plus Charles Cloutman Jr. was born the day after his father’s funeral on February 25, 1862. His wife was a cousin of General Winfield Scott. The Iowa State Archivist gave approval to this posting of letters and information from the Charles C. Cloutman Papers. The Iowa State Archives is a treasure trove of information concerning the battles of Shiloh and Fort Donelson. The memorial book is almost two inches thick and contains pages that are probably legal size. Someone prepared the book and typed information pertaining to the regiment and numerous newspaper articles from the Ottumwa, Iowa newspaper, the Courier, and others. Some of these articles were written by Captain Cloutman under the pseudonym the Pewquaket Boy. Interspersed within these typed pages are original letters written by Captain Cloutman to his wife. Captain Cloutman was a musician and taught singing school. He was engaged in the grocery business in Ottumwa, Iowa and was Captain of the Ottumwa City Guards. He offered his services to Governor Kirkwood of Iowa in November, 1860. He must have anticipated the need for soldiers for the troubles to come. The Ottumwa City Guards were one of the first companies in Iowa to tender service to the state. The City Guards were mustered in as Co. K of the 2nd Iowa on May 6, 1861. The regiment served in various locations until sent to Fort Donelson on February 10, 1862. As an aside there was a 1st Iowa regiment that fought under General Lyon at Wilson Creek suffering 159 casualties. The 1st Iowa was a 90-day regiment and was mustered out in August 1861. Reenlisting soldiers went to other regiments and the designation 1st Iowa was not assigned to a regiment again. For another account of the charge of 2nd Iowa by a man who was there go here: https://books.google.com/books?id=jLVJAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA177&lpg=PA177&dq=The+midland+monthly+magazine+fort+donelson&source=bl&ots=arEze88_TY&sig=ucihtbCoDYANRrVJ9w6DF2P0XP4&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjRu76-pqjPAhVV6GMKHSwqB0YQ6AEIHDAA#v=onepage&q=The midland monthly magazine fort donelson&f=false I copied and pasted the above link and it worked. If it fails Google - The Midland Monthly Magazine Fort Donelson - and it should show up. The author is W. S. Moore. Midland War Sketches – The Famous Charge at Fort Donelson. Moore’s account is interesting because he relates a conversation with Captain Cloutman and how Cloutman has a presentiment of his upcoming death in combat. Cloutman wants to go home but feels he cannot do so without dishonor. He must first lead his company as they “see the elephant” for the first time. The article contains a picture of Captain Cloutman. Upon reading the memorial book to Captain Cloutman at the Iowa State Archives in Des Moines, Iowa I was struck by the letter he wrote to his wife on January 31, 1862. In the letter he referred to the “fiery epistle” he had received from his wife, Rachel. From reference to his response it appears Rachel accused Captain Cloutman of “growing cold” and scolded him to the point Cloutman hastily stutters a reply to the accusation that must have caused him great grief. Rachel Cloutman was home without her husband with three children and in the eighth month of the pregnancy of their fourth child. One can just imagine her feelings when she learned that the man she had scolded for being cold had died in the charge of the 2nd Iowa at Fort Donelson. I found the letters of Cloutman to be of extreme interest as they relate to the movements of the 2nd Iowa towards Fort Donelson and their activities prior to the movement. In letters dated January 26, 1862 and February 10, 1862 there is reference to the melancholy that Cloutman experienced as related by W. S. Moore in his account of the charge at Fort Donelson. Several times Cloutman instructs his wife to burn a letter. I started with a letter dated December 10, 1861 and continued to the last one dated February 10, 1862. There are nine letters of varying length. Cloutman’s handwriting was not too hard to decipher once you got use to his writing but there were some words that I could just not decipher. Some sentences run together as he frequently did not use periods and did not use apostrophes as in dont and wont. Following are letters from Captain Cloutman to his wife, Rachel. They have three children named Ella, Lefe and Frank. Cloutman reveals feelings he does not want known to others than his wife and thus you see a couple notations to her to burn the letter. It is hard to tell why Rachel accused Cloutman as “growing cold” as he seems to profess his love for her and the children in his letters. Cloutman was a Democrat and regretted the election of Lincoln but had no hesitation to offer his services to defend the Union. On a trip through Springfield Cloutman related in a story to the Courier as to how he visited Lincoln’s home and went through the front gate and put his hand on the door knob Lincoln must have used thousands of times. There was a tenant in a portion of Lincoln’s home. With no more comment here are some of the letters Cloutman wrote to his wife that give a glimpse of the hardships and conflicting feelings the war caused to sacrificing families. Benton Barracks Dec. 10. 1861 After a long time I have arrived in camp. I had to stop 3 nights & 2 days in Keokuk waiting for a boat. On Thursday at noon I took the ferry boat for Quincy. At 4 oclock that afternoon we got on a sand bar in the River and could not get off until Saturday morning. The men on board 2 nights and one day. On arriving at Quincy we found that no packets were running and that no trains soon to leave for South late Sunday night at 10 oclock. There being no other way to do it we left for Springfield Ill. and after stopping 10 hours in that town we took the Chicago down train at 6 oclock on Monday night and got into St. Louis at 12 oclock last night. Today at noon I got into camp. Pretty well tired out and willing to rest. To night (Tuesday) I thot I would drop you a line to let you know that I am safe and sound. Nothing new in Camp. I am going to write a letter to the Courier in a day or two in which you will (page 2) see a listing of my travels and something that occurred. I expected to send you home money this week but I find on arriving here that they will only pay the Officers when the companies are paid off. Which will happen about the first of January. You will have to do with what you have got. I am plum strapped but can borrow enough to do me till that time. I am getting bigger every day and cant tell when I shall stop. I have just got a letter from Bro. Io which says he weighed 222 and can whip me he thinks. I don’t think so. I hope you will content yourself and get along well. The present prospect is that our regiment will stay here for some time probably all winter. I dont expect it likely that any thing will happen to us very bad. (Ed. note: Not a good prediction) I shall write you again as soon as I can. Be a good girl and remember I love you and how I would like to be with you. Keep the children and yourself comfortable this winter. Good-bye. Chas Camp Benton – St. Louis Dec. 20, 1861 My Dear Wife I have just received your letter the 1st I have received since I have been here. We are all jogging along quietly here in camp with nothing to do except the usual duties of drilling and other camp duty. Our Regiment is improving a little in health. Our sick list is about 200 some less than it was. The camp is lively and full of soldiers. The picture above (Ed. note: Cloutman glued a print of Camp Benton at the top of the sheet) will give you an idea of the appearance of about one half of it looking towards the East it is being extended out and additional quarters built for the men. Our Company is situated where I have made an X. We are comfortable. I have a very good room with two lieutenants in with me a good coal stove and bunks to sleep on. We have a small room for a kitchen in the rear when Io cooks and we get our meals. Io is a first rate cook and we are getting along very comfortably. When I get tired (page 2) I go down to the city and see the sights. Like I wrote I am getting along comfortable. The weather has been warm and ?? Io came back but today it has turned cold and I think we are going to have some pretty rough weather. I have nothing of importance to write you as we are doing nothing and but little prospect of much to do. There is some talk that our Regt will be sent down to the City to do Police Guard duty in the city. But I don’t credit the report very much. I am glad you are getting along so well. I hope Mary will stay through the winter. Keep Frank and Ella at School and have him write me once in a while. His letter was written very well. Have him keep trying and be careful how he spells and it will improve him very much. I am fat and heavy yet. I have got up to 190 and think now I shall get through the war(?) first Rate. I drilled our Regiment yesterday (page 3) afternoon for the 1st time. The Col is at home & the Lt. Col had a sore throat and I am the oldest Capt on Parade so he gave it up to me. I done very well they said for a green hand. I think I can improve after a little practice. Senator Johnson and Alvan Sieghton(?) are here in the city. They have been out to camp once or twice. When you write again tell me whether you got the Bedstead and got it set up. You had better get a good pile of wood and get it sawed up so you will not be troubled during the winter for wood. Keep enough feed for the Cow and see that she is well fed as it is better and cheaper to keep her fat than poor. You will be able to get along I think if you try. I hope you will content yourself and keep things all right. I shall not get any money till after new year but when I do I shall send some to you. Eaton is flourishing around as usual. I should like to be with you but I cannot hope to at present. I think it is quite as much self denial to me as to you to be away. If I could make as much money I should rather be at home. It is a little tough but I shall have to stand it awhile. Give my love to all and remember for yourself and our little ones that I am constantly thinking. You know more than I may tell you on paper. Good by. Charles St. Louis Dec. 21, 1861 Rachel, I have borrowed 35 dollars of Nathan Manro who is going home and I want you to pay him back that amount and as soon as I get my pay I will send you some. I am out of money and have had to borrow of him. Pay him 35 dollars and it will all be right. I am very well. He will tell you all about how I am getting along. My love to you and to the little ones. Charles C. Cloutman St. Louis Dec. 30. 1861 My Dear. I have been looking anxiously for a letter from you every day during the last week but none has come. Since I wrote you last we have moved from Benton Barracks to this place for the purpose of guarding the Regiment of Secesh captured at Warrensburg last week. We are stationed at buildings called “McDowells College” in which are confined 10 or 12 hundred prisoners. Our duty is to see that they don’t escape. Our Regiment is quartered in a Block of 3 storyed brick buildings and are very comfortable. My boy Io is a first rate cook and I like him first rate. We are getting along well. My room is a dining room in the ell part of the house. Back of us is a kitchen where our cooking is done. We have plenty to east and I have a nice cot to sleep on with plenty of blankets. We are stationed in the city about 1 mile from the Planters (Ed. note: Planter’s House was a famous St. Louis hotel which stood from 1817-1922) southwest. I think we shall stay here 3 or 4 weeks. Though we cant tell. If you are getting along comfortably I shall be very happy. I need not tell you how to get along as you know already. I want you to write me often and tell me all about how you are getting along. What you are doing. and how Mary and the children flourish. I have some things that I do not want with me that I shall send home in a box sometime (page 2) soon coats pants and caps together with some other things that I have got and I want you to keep them safe till I get home. I have a spy glass, a Powder flask and some other little traps that I have picked up and having no use for them here I shall send them home. You will get them out of the express office & keep them. My health is first Rate. I am weighing 190 and can eat all my rations. If you should want any little things that I might get for you down here I can buy them after I get my pay. Which I hope will be soon. I have been out of money since I came down and borrowed some from young Manro who was going home & gave him an order on you for 34 which I suppose you have paid him by this time. It is all right. I will send some home as soon as I get paid. You will see a letter in the Courier this week probably and another next from the Pequawket Boy which you may read. I shall write occasionally when I feel like it. Kiss Lefe & Ella & Frank for me & tell them to be good children. I was glad to get Franks letter. I will write to him before long. You may kiss Mary for me and tell her I should like to scholtisch (Ed. note: This appears to be reference to a Scottish round dance like a polka and spelled schottische) with her and talk about the bible to her. I don’t know how to kiss you so far off but I can kiss some pretty woman down here & think it is you-(by mistake). Now dont be jealous but believe me I had rather kiss you than anybody else in the world. I hope some day to do it. Write me every week or I won’t believe you love me a bit. Keep up your courage and some day I will come in and give you a good hug. Good by and a happy night (?). The following was written over the above handwriting and it was difficult to read but I finally got it: It is now about 11 oclock at night and I must close. I am as ever yours ever after. Charles. In addition the following is found in the upper margin of the first page and upside down to the other writing. It appears to be a final thought just before mailing: Dont show this to anybody but burn it. Write me how you feel and all about private matters. I want to know. How are you getting along and whats up, generally. You know what I mean. St. Louis Fri. Jany 3 1862 My Dear Wife I have received two letters from you this week. Am very glad to hear from you. I wrote you a day or two ago and said everything I could think of. I am hard at work. Have something to do all the time. Today I am on a Court Martial. Don’t know how long we shall hold it. We have 7 cases to try. I shall have but little time to spare. So I will write you to night. The 35 dollars to Manro is all right. Whatever you want get and pay for it. Buy a hog and anything else you need. I shall get paid off next week I expect. I am certainly willing you should get everything you need. Don’t be afraid of your money. Make yourself comfortable. About the singing books I paid 40 cents a piece. They are worth 25 cents I think. If they want them for that let them have them. But don’t lend them as they will (?????) them. I have written two letters for the Courier but have seen neither of them. I wish you would send me the Papers if Norris has published them. If not all right. I have got very comfortable quarters In the margin of page 1 is this sentence: I sent you a picture entrusted by Walter Grubber(?) who will give it to you. Page 2 here in a 3 story brick house. We shall probably be here sometime. I have no news to write you. I spent Christmas and New Years at work in the day time. In the evening I went to the City & spent half a dollar going to the theater. We are not allowed to go out of camp now without permission from Head Quarters. This I don’t like very much but suppose I shall have to stand it. Lieut. Murtrick is unwell. Mobly is tough and myself the same. I want you to write as often as possible and if you try I think you can say something to me that I want to know. Now try. It may be to late for me to write love letters but you are younger than I am and as you never have written me any you can try your hand at it. Dont be afraid to tell it right out. You need not show this to any body and than they wont know that I am about half homesick and want to see you and be with you. But enough, I will make it up when I do get away. Good night and remember you foolish (Ed. note: ends there) The next letter is sent from the infamous McDowells College which is also known as the Gratiot Prison in St. Louis. Here is a link to a site describing the mad doctor who founded the college. http://www.prairieghosts.com/mcdowell.html McDowells College H. Quarters 2nd Iowa Regt. St. Louis Janaury 8th 1862 My Dear Wife. I say dear because you are dear to me in more ways than one. At this time you are dear to the amount of 200. dollars (Ed. note: Not a mistake. The letter says 200) which I enclose to you. The other way you are dear to me I will not now write about. As I wrote you the other day all I then had to say. I want you to put this where it will be safe. Don’t swap it off for any thing else because it is safer to keep this than any other kind of money. See that you dont lend any of it to anybody, and if possible dont let anybody know that you have got it. I am willing you shall do the spending of it as I am quite sure you will spend prudently. I hope the next time you have turkey for dinner it will not prove to be a slaughter (?). We(?) men paid off last Monday & I am glad to be able to send you so much. Save it as much as possible as we may want it some day. I am first rate in health. Just fill up my uniform exactly. We have nothing ??? in camp. Page 2 I got a letter from Joe from Conway(?) a day or two ago & he informed me that my Father is very low with the Heart Disease and was expected to die any day. He is probably dead by this time. Susan is at home. Well. My mother is very well also. Let me know when you secure the money and all about who knows any thing about it. And now my dear good night and many happy days and “New years” be yours. Keep up a good heart and bear bravely whatever is in store for you and remember that I am thinking about you constantly and I don’t know that I need be ashamed to say that I love you more and think of you more than I ever had before. There that will(?) do now. Write me soon and I will answer as often as possible. I am very affectionately yours “Snoaked”(?) or “Muggins” Burn this up St. Louis Jany 26, 1862 My Dear Wife I have received all your letters up to this date. I have written as often as I had opportunity. This Sunday afternoon I have a moment to spare and will drop you a line. We have as much to do on Sunday as any other day. I have just come from church. I have been to hear Dr. Elliott ??? who has a very fine church and is a good old man. After church we were coming home and Dr. Whittier spoke to us on the street and invited Mobley & me to go up to his house & take dinner with him. We did so and had a good time. We made the acquaintance of a very nice family. He has a little girl just as large as Ella, a little boy about as large as Lefe. I hugged and kissed them till I thought I was at home again. The lady I did not hug, of course, but I wanted to right bad. I thought it was pretty hard though to be away from home. I have just heard that Mr. Hebard of Burlington may (be) living in St. Louis. I have not seen them yet but I have learned where (Page 2) they live. I shall call on them in a Sunday. I expect in the course of a couple weeks that the prisoners we are now guarding will be sent to Alton, Illinois and we shall be relieved from guard duty so that case I expect we shall pack up and go down the River again, probably to Cairo or Bird Point. It is likely that we shall be in the army that will go down the River. You can write me at St. Louis as you have done. In the event of our going I shall write you all about it as soon as I find out about it. My health is very good excepting a bad cold. I have been so hoarse for 2 or 3 days that I have hardly been able to speak. It is now getting better. Eaton started today for Chicago to meet his wife. I have nothing new to write you. I have not heard from my father since I had wrote you. I suppose by that he is still living. I am glad you got the money and box safe. The box contained my Gray suit one blanket which you can wash and use. Some powder that you must take care of and keep it away from Jim and from the children. Look out for accidents! Some other things that I now forgot but you can save them till I get home. You will find a letter in the Courier this week from me. Send me the paper as soon as you read it. I dont always get the paper (Page 3) till it gets cold. I saw my two letters in papers sent to a man in my company But I did not receive those sent by Norris. I have seen them however so you need not send them to me. I shall write the Courier occasionally as I have any thing to write but do not expect to be very regular. What do the folks say about them? You need not tell that I have inquired. You can write me any thing you wish to and it will all be right. I take good care that no one sees them. I should like to know how you are getting along and when you expect to be sick. (Ed. note: Cloutman’s wife is about eight months pregnant) How do you feel about it. Write me freely about it as you know I am anxious to know all about it. I am very happy to know that some one sincerely cares for me. I have never had a doubt but that you loved me most truly. I think I have had reason to believe that much and I can only say that bad as I have been I yet love you as much as when I first knew you. May we both continue to do so and we shall never repent(?) it. Think kindly of me and learn our little ones to love us and if it is my lot to fall in this service let them never have reason to blush for my memory. You are very comfortable at home and have perhaps nearly all you wish. But think how you would (Page 4) feel if you were in my place away from the one you love best and away from your children. How would you like to live so. You have your own troubles but you know not how I feel sometimes. I would give any thing to see you. But I cannot leave now without dishonor. I shall have to take my chances down the river. I would like to have you give yourself but little trouble about it. I have no fears about it for my own sake. I only think how it would fare with my loved ones if I fall. This is perhaps too sober so I will stop it. Cheer up my dear one and believe it will all be right. Some day I shall be with you and then it will all be the sweeter and we shall love the more. Bless you my Dear Rachel and my little ones. ??? that you dont know how much I think of you. Write me often and I will drop a line when I can. Direct to “St. Louis Mo” 2nd Iowa Regt as before and your letter will find me. Good Bye. Be a Good Girl. Don’t give yourself any trouble about me. Love to all, I am yours truly, Charles McDowells College St. Louis Jany 31, 1862 My Dear Wife I have just received your fiery epistle written last Sunday, in which you take occasion to scold me pretty hard. I hope you will think the matter over and perhaps you will see that it is pretty hard to be away from home all the time and be scolded too when I do all I can to make you comfortable and happy. I have written you as often as once a week and I think you have got them all. I have written when I could. I have a good deal to do. I was on a Court Martial for three weeks every day. When off and in my quarters I have had to attend to my company matters and keep things all straight. I have had a good deal of company writing to do besides taking my turn for duty out on Parade. If you were here you would see how busy I am most of the time. And my dear I hope you will not scold me so again when I write you on all occasions I have. I know how hard it is for you and perhaps you dont know how hard it is to be a soldier. I suppose you find it a little lonesome sometimes. So do I. But I hope you will stand it bravely. I hope you will never think I do not love you and my family. Some day you will know how much perhaps. Till then I shall expect you to bear it all and I shall like you all the better. I am sorry Ella is sick. Take all the care of her you can for she is my only girl and I love her dearly. Keep my little Lefe all right and tell Frank to be a good boy and help you. I am very well and have neither got hurt or wounded. I wrote you a long letter one day this week & have time only to say that I do not see any prospect for us to get away from here yet. I am very thankful for the thousand kisses you send me. If I was with you I think I should get a thousand more. (Page 2) Tell Eliza I wrote her a long time ago and have not heard from her since. I hope she will write me soon. Now dont get in a bad passion again and I will try and send you a line oftener. Eaton got home from Chicago yesterday. I suppose he had a happy time. I went out the other day to hunt up Mrs. Hebard but could not find her. I called in & saw Mrs. Brooks the Methodist Preacher’s wife and had a good time kissing her little girl and Boy. Both about as big as Ella and Lefe I wanted to kiss someone(?) right bad so I kissed them. Nothing wrong I hope. Is there? Not having much time today I have written this in a hurry and hope it will assure you that I am not growing cold as you think. but on the contrary that I still continue to think of you as my little (big!) darling wife and that I love you pretty near to death. There, wont that do? I hope by this time you are good natured and feel Better. Good Bye and I will Kiss somebody a thousand times for you. Your aff Hus Chas St. Louis Mo Feb 6th 1862 My Dear Enclosed find a picture. You can look at it and ask somebody who it is if you dont know. We expect to go south next week. You can write me addressed to St. Louis as before. I shall write you a time or two before we go. My health is good. I have nothing important to write you today. Good Bye and write me soon. Charles St. Louis Monday morning Feb. 10 1862 My Dear We are just on the point of starting south. At one oclock we are to move. It is now 12. We are to take a Boat and go down to Cairo & from there probably to Fort Henry Tennessee. We are all packed up and in an hour we are off. I take this opportunity to write you in great haste. We have been under orders to march for several days and have been expecting hourly to move. Now we are off. I have had the Blues pretty bad for a few days but it is no use(?) I shall write you as often as possible. I dont know what will happen to us(?) but I shall do the best I can for myself and soon as I can I shall get out and go home. But I cannot now. Let us hope for the best. Keep up your courage as well as you can and let me hear from you often. When you are sick I want some one to write me immediately. Dont fail. I have but a moment to spare. Good Bye. Give my love to all and remember one who loves you well. Charles In the afternoon of February 15, 1862 Captain Charles Cloutman led his company in the attack upon Fort Donelson. He was shot through the heart and died instantly while in front of his men and waving his sword as he cheered them on. His son, Charles Jr., was born the day after his funeral back home in Ottumwa, Iowa. While the subject of this posting is Captain Charles Cloutman of the 2nd Iowa Regiment his story is similar to hundreds of thousands of the men, Blue and Gray, who made the ultimate sacrifice during the American Civil War and whose wives and children had their lives forever changed with the loss of their husband and father far from home. This posting honors them all. Hank
  10. Fort Donelson Hike - Meeting Location

    In 1959 Ed Bearss produced a set of maps for FortDonelson that are Troop Movement Maps covering the positions of the troops from February 12, 1862 through 5:00 P.M. on February 15, 1862. There are ten maps in the set covering the positions of the regiments at various times over the four days. Hopefully they will have some of these sets available in the temporary visitor’s center for those interested. The FortHenry and FortDonelson campaign was chosen in 1912 to be a campaign worthy of study at the GeneralServiceSchool at FortLeavenworth. The school compiled source material into a large volume (1488 pages) into a book cited as: FortHenry and FortDonelson campaigns, February, 1862. Source book. The General service schools, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 1923. You see this book referenced in works of the campaign and this is an explanation of what is being referred to when an author references – The Source Book. Unfortunately, the book has not been digitized for downloading as of yet. I borrowed a copy of the book several years ago through interlibrary loan and copied information I thought I could not get elsewhere. A large part of the book contains copies of the reports contained in the Official Records. I am planning to make it to Dover the night of November 3rd and stay at the Dover Inn. I figured I would use Friday the 4th to refresh my memory of the fort and the surrounding areas and see what might have changed since I was there for the 150th anniversary. I am fairly familiar with the FortDonelson fight and if anybody else is going to be around on November 4th and wants to make a preliminary reconnaissance of the area we will be walking on Saturday, or anywhere else related to the campaign, I would be glad to share what I know. That includes you Michelle. Hank
  11. This is the type of discussion of interest for all who want to understand what happened at the Battle of Shiloh to the greatest degree possible. The devil is in the details and it takes a painstaking effort to work through them. With all the research I have done I would concur with Stacy Allen on the fact that no where yet found mentions exactly who the cavalry vedettes were. As shown in Billy’s analysis the attempt is made to determine from what unit the vedettes were from by eliminating those units from which it can be fairly certainly determined they were not from. When Bragg came up from Florida there were a number of Alabama cavalry companies that came with him. They were organized in battalions meaning they were less than regimental size of ten companies. Sterling Alexander Martin Wood also came with Bragg to Corinth but S.A.M. Wood ended up commanding a brigade in Hardee’s Corps. As noted the Georgia Mountain Dragoons commanded by Captain Isaac W. Avery were attached to Wood’s brigade. The information on cavalry units comes from David W. Reed’s book The Battle of Shiloh and the Organizations Engaged. At the Alabama Department of Archives is a nice collection of S.A.M Wood papers including letters to his wife, biography, paper on his service record, accounts of other battles Wood was in, papers from a court of inquiry Wood requested concerning his performance at Shiloh, request for amnesty and pardon to President Andrew Johnson and other papers. Also, in the early 1900s the head of the archives in Alabama made a concerted effort to obtain information on Alabama civil war units. Surviving members of cavalry, artillery and infantry regiments and companies were contacted and begged to provide information on the formation of the units they served in. The result is that the Alabama archives has folders on most of the Alabama units that served in the civil war. Some have more information than others but I found several accounts of the battle of Shiloh from Alabama soldiers who were in the Alabama regiments. There are a couple accounts from Alabamians who were in Gladden’s brigade. Not related to this subject, but of interest, I found the original handwritten letter that O. E. Cunningham wrote to the Alabama Archives on August 13, 1962 wondering if they had enough information in their archives about Shiloh to warrant a trip from Cunningham. So when Billy requested information on what cavalry unit the vedettes were from who fired the first three shots of the battle of Shiloh in front of S.A.M. Wood’s brigade I thought I would look through the hundreds of photographs I took of the materials on S.A.M. Wood and other Alabama units. The result is what I consider to be a “score.” I photographed a copy of the original order issued by General Thomas Hindman, S.A.M. Wood’s division commander, to Hindmans “Generals.” The order is dated April 4, 1862 and pertains to Capt. Avery and how the picket duty should be performed in front of the division. For those interested in seeing a copy of this order I have set up a Paypal account, just kidding. Here is the order of General Hindman to his “Generals.” Hd Qrs April 4, 1862 Generals: You will divide Capt Averys Cavalry Company into two equal parties, for picket duty, and send them out immediately, as follows: One party to the right and front of my Division between one and two miles- The other to the left and front of Gen. Cleburnes Brigade some distance. Instruct the commander of each party to throw out pickets from his station so as to effectually protect that flank of the army corps on which he is posted, to be constantly on the alert, to hold his position if attacked as long as practicable, falling back slow if overpowered and sending couriers back to these Head Quarters at short intervals with definite information. They will remain on post until relieved unless so driven back. Communicate to the officers and men (of each party) (and to your entire command) the challenge and response as follows- “Who comes there?” “Manassas – who are you?” “Beauregard” You are not authorized to discharge guns of your commands-after dark. Order the commander of each Regiment to stop it immediately. Inform Gen Cleburne that you are picketing on his left, Col Shaver knows it. There are Cavalry pickets of other Commands in our front. Respectfully, T. C. Hindman Br. Gen. In the Capt. Avery’s official report on page 611 of volume 10 he pretty much repeats what Hindman put in the order. Hindman directed Avery to picket the flanks of the division and explained to his “Generals” “There are Cavalry pickets of other Commands in our front.” Playing the game of elimination it is unlikely the vedettes were from Forrest’s command. He had a large contingent which he had led out of Fort Donelson and he was ordered to guard Lick Creek. Clanton’s cavalry was a large unit assigned to Bragg’s Corps but Clanton fought on the Rebel right flank. Wharton’s Texans was a large unit and fought on the left flank. Polk had the 1st Mississippi Cavalry under Lt. Col. Lindsay (this force captured Ross’s Michigan Battery on Sunday) and Brewer’s Alabama and Mississippi battalion. These two forces stayed with Polk as noted in the official reports of both Lindsay and Brewer. Breckinridge had cavalry units but his was the reserve force and stationed well behind the front line of Hardee. Wirt Adams had a force but they operated on the right flank, served as the escort for Sidney Johnston during the battle and guarded Lick Creek with Forrest, I think. Having eliminated all possibilities but one, the one remaining must be the answer paraphrasing Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s iconic detective Sherlock Holmes. The one cavalry force left is Jenkins (Alabama) Battalion that was assigned to Ruggles’ division of Bragg’s Corps. Ruggles’ division lined up in the second line directly behind Wood’s brigade. If you have a copy of Cunningham’s book, page 147, or the Blue and Gray magazine that has Stacy Allen’s Shiloh article there is a map showing the alignment of the Rebel army just prior to the battle. These maps show the right flank of Ruggles’ division situated near the right flank of Wood’s brigade and the left flank of Shaver’s. Cleburne was to the left of Wood’s brigade while Gladden’s brigade of Bragg’s Corps was placed to the right of Shaver’s brigade. Ruggles’ right flank was on, or near, the Corinth road so it is easy to visualize sending some cavalry up the road to reconnoiter. The Corinth road skirts Fraley field. On page 471 of volume 10 of the ORs Ruggles put in his report: “Four companies of cavalry, under Capts. T. F. Jenkins, commanding, A. Tomlinson, J. J. Cox, and J. Robins, covered our right and left flank.” These four companies were known as the Jenkins battalion because Jenkins was the senior captain. Surprisingly all four of these men made an official report that is in the ORs, volume 10. Major Aaron Hardcastle commanding the 3rd Mississippi battalion in Fraley field wrote in his report (pages 602 and 603, OR vol. 10) that the cavalry vedettes fired three shots and eventually returned to his line. Unfortunately we are not told how many vedettes there were but it must have been a small number as only a few shots were fired. The two groups of advance infantry pickets that Hardcastle posted in front of his main line had seven and eight men. Brig. Gen. S.A.M. Wood verified in his OR report (page 591) that “The artillery and cavalry were detached, by order of Major-General Hardee, and were not under my command during the battle.” This brings us to the four companies of Jenkins battalion. Their official reports begin on page 529 of the ORs, volume 10. Capt. Jenkins wrote “On the first day of the action my company was attached as support to a section of Captain Ketchum’s battery, on the left flank of Brigadier-General Ruggles’ division.” On page 531 Capt. J. Robins wrote “On Sunday, April 6, 15 men of my command were detailed to act as couriers. Ten of them acted as couriers for General Ruggles and 5 for General Pond. The balance of my command masked Captain Ketcham’s battery until it went into action.” Captain Ketchum verified his supports on page 527 of his OR report stating “The next morning (April 5), taking our regular position in line, we advanced until about 5 p. m. forming in line of battle on the extreme left, my battery masked by Captains Jenkins’ and Robins’ cavalry companies.” Since Jenkins and Robins are placed on the left flank of Ruggles’ division that leaves the company of Prattville (Alabama) Dragoons under Captain J. J. Cox and the Mathews (Alabama) Rangers under Capt. A. Tomlinson stationed on the right flank, right behind the right flank of S.A.M. Wood’s brigade. On page 531 Captain Tomlinson wrote: “My company of Alabama Mounted Volunteers was under the command of Brigadier-General Ruggles on the 6th and 7th instant at Shiloh Church…From the time the battle began to 12 m. my command was with General Ruggles on the battle-field, and from that time until 4 o’clock I was engaged in watching the movement of the enemy on our left wing. The remainder of the day and also the night was under the command of Captain Cox.” On page 530 Captain Cox wrote: “The cavalry company, Prattville Dragoons, of Captain Jenkins’ cavalry battalion, carried to the battle of Shiloh, on the 6th of April, 4 commissioned officers, 4 sergeants, 4 corporals, 1 bugler, and 33 privates. The company, with Captain Tomlinson’s company, was ordered to advance with the right wing of General Ruggles’ division. After entering the first camp of the enemy Captain Tomlinson was ordered to reconnoiter the woods on the left of that division. My own was ordered to remain with General Ruggles…” Captain Tomlinson revealed that Captain Cox was the senior captain. On a speculative nature I get the impression that Tomlinson was close to Ruggles while Cox states he was ordered to advance with the right wing of Ruggles’ division. On the morning of April 6 Hardcastle’s battalion was four hundred yards or so in front of Hardee’s line and they were serving as a strong picket force. Hardcastle sent two small groups ahead of his line, one 200 yards out and another at 100 yards. To extend the picketing even further the decision was made to send out cavalry vedettes in front of Hardcastle’s advance pickets to reconnoiter and the vedettes encountered Major Powell’s party advancing towards Fraley Field and fired three shots and scampered back to Hardcastle’s infantry line. Since Captain Cox was the senior captain my assumption is that he would use men from his own company rather than order Captain Tomlinson to send out men from his. My vote is that the unknown cavalry vedettes that fired the first three shots of the battle of Shiloh were from Captain Cox’s Prattville Dragoons. We may never know for sure. I know that Hindman’s order is dated April 4 but Avery notes in his report that he followed the orders that night. Hardee’s Corps was the first in position and stood in line on April 5 waiting for the rest of the army to get in line. One of the straggling divisions was Ruggles’ and by the time Ruggles showed up it was too late to proceed with the attack on Saturday. Hindman was probably assuming that Ruggles would be on time when he stated that other commands would provide the Cavalry pickets for his front. Even if Ruggles’ infantry was slow to arrive that does not mean that Jenkins’ cavalry battalion would have plodded along with them. The cavalry was important and needed to be in the front. As noted Billy had received two different answers to the question as to what cavalry unit provided the vedettes that fired those three shots near Fraley Field. Presented here is a third and that is why we study the written record. Cheers to all, Go Cubs!!! Hank
  12. local sunrise on 6 April 1862

    On page 149 of Shiloh and the Western Campaign of 1862 by O. E. Cunningham, in note 10 is the following information: "Edwin Bearss, who performed extensive research on the subject, maintains the sun rose at 5:40 a. m. that morning, citing a letter from E. B. McGeever, Head Reference Section Science and Technical Division, Library of Congress, October 30, 1963." The letter is in the Shiloh Military Park Archives. Cunningham has a discussion of the soldiers accounts concerning what time the opening shots were fired in this note for those who have the book to reference. Cunningham wrote "Most of the soldiers' accounts of the action said the firing began just before dawn, and that the sun rose about the time of the beginning of the skirmish between the two main bodies of troops." Hank
  13. attack on Waterhouse's battery that succeeded

    Ozzy started a thread “Buckland fights on the right” that addresses Hildebrand’s brigade and the fight at the crossroads in some details. My impression is that the Rebel attack on the crossroads started at 11:00 a. m. There is also a link to Robert Fleming’s “The Battle of Shiloh as a Private Saw It.” Fleming was with the 77th Ohio. Here is the link: https://books.google.com/books?id=W94SAAAAYAAJ Perhaps you have read the thread but you asked for any accounts of Hildebrand’s men so I am passing this along in case you had not seen it. I checked my files to see what might be of interest in trying to understand what happened to Hildebrand’s brigade. There is a little bit in The Military History of Ohio by Hiram Hardesty, page 164. It is stated that part of Hildebrand’s brigade attached to the 13th Missouri Regiment. That is interesting. The 13th Missouri was from WHL Wallace’s division and fought all day with Sherman and McClernand, and the next day too, I think. Here is a link: https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Military_History_of_Ohio.html?id=1UkMAQAAMAAJ I prepared a reading list for Shiloh and posted it here: http://shilohdiscussiongroup.com/index.php?/topic/1779-howdy/#comment-11981 Item 11 is the account of Colonel de Hass who shared the tent with Colonel Hildebrand on the night of April 5, 1862. De Hass’s account is interesting but it is disappointing in the number of things that are wrong in it but it was one of the first published accounts from a participant. Here is a link: https://archive.org/details/annalsofwar00philrich I found another source that might be of interest as it describes the chaos of the Rebel attack in the area. This account is from a member of the 4th Illinois Cavalry with a chapter on the morning attack titled “The Boy Learns At Shiloh What His Legs Were Made For.” The book is What a Boy Saw in the Army by Jesse Young. Here is a link: https://archive.org/details/whatboysawinarmy00youn I also ran across an account by Captain Mason of events of April 5, 1862 which you might find interesting. Here is the link: http://www.ohgen.net/ohwashin/battle-of-shiloh.html That’s what I could find in my files. If I run across anything additional I will pass it along. Hank
  14. Buckland fights on the right

    Buckland’s Brigade is a favorite research item so I prepared the following brief summary of information and ideas developed relating to the actions of Buckland’s brigade. I did limit myself to just one dig, off-topic, at Shiloh revisionism despite the urge to do more. In regards to the short-changed Isaac Pugh he might have gotten only four hits on this site but he was immortalized by James Lee McDonough in his Shiloh – in Hell before Night. It is Isaac Pugh’s words “Fill you canteens, boys! Some of you will be in hell before night and you’ll need water” that McDonough used in his title. On April 6 and 7, 1881 the Society of the Army of the Tennessee held their 14th annual meeting in Cincinnati, Ohio. The focus of the meeting was the Battle of Shiloh. There was published a Report of the Proceedings of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee at the Fourteenth Annual Meeting, Held at Cincinnati, Ohio. April 6th and 7th, 1881. The report can be found here: https://archive.org/details/reportproceedin13tenngoog Hopefully that works and you can receive the report in various formats. This report is a milestone in the study of Shiloh. It is at this meeting Sherman stirred the pot by proclaiming that he, and Grant and the army, were not surprised at Shiloh. The repercussions roiled throughout the land as a legion of men who disagreed with Sherman took to the pen and wrote scathing denunciations of him. But to keep with this topic this report contains a paper from Colonel Ralph P. Buckland which is directly relevant to this topic. His report starts on page 72. In addition there are a couple other treats in this publication. One is a paper by Colonel Madison Miller, commander of Prentiss’s 2nd brigade, in which he defends the men he commanded from the “slanderous” attacks made upon them by the early reports of their surrender. Miller fought the whole day, fought with Prentiss in the Sunken Road and the Hornets’ Nest and was captured and imprisoned with him. Colonel William T. Shaw of the 14th Iowa, fighting squarely in the Hornets’ Nest, gives an account of the actions of himself, his regiment and other units on April 6, 1862. Note how Shaw, a man who was there, praises fighters to their left (Hurlbut’s Division plus McArthur’s men) where Shaw says the “musketry was terrific and continuous, exceeding anything I ever heard, before or since.” Shaw describes the firing to the right (McClernand and Sherman’s divisions) as “Of the right I was less able to judge, as the firing was more irregular and less in volume, particularly after 12 M., sometimes being very heavy and then dying out almost entirely.” Shaw shows his awareness of what was happening on the battlefield as he wrote “I will here state that the position taken by Wallace at 9 A. M. was fully up to the front. The divisions of McClernand and Sherman on the right were heavily engaged with the enemy,--Prentiss on our left had just fallen back—or, rather, was just falling back and taking up his new position in line with our division and with that of Hurlbut on his left. Our army seemed, as far as I could judge from the firing, to present a good and firm front to the enemy.” Shaw, a man who was there and via the sound of firing, knew that the entire army was engaged and that divisions were fighting to the left and to the right of Shaw’s men in the Hornets’ Nest. Shaw’s report deserves a careful reading so one can judge whether Shaw has his facts wrong and his mind was befuddled as advocated in Confederates in the Attic when it is alleged that the men in the Hornets’ Nest had no idea what was going on to their left and to their right and that the men in the Hornets’ Nest believed that they were the only ones who had fought in the battle and, therefore, they had saved the army. No where does Shaw make such a claim. Reference page 178 of Confederates in the Attic and for those who have not had the misfortune of reading the book or owning it here is the passage I am referring to: “Let’s put ourselves in the heads of those Yankees in the Hornets’ Nest,” he (Stacy Allen) said, pacing up and down the Sunken Road. “We’re in this thicket where we can’t see the rest of the battlefield. There’s rebels coming at us, in bits and pieces, all day long. Then suddenly we’re still here and everyone else has retreated. It seems like we fought the whole battle on our own.” I might have ventured off topic although Shaw’s observations of the fighting on the right is relative to studying Buckland’s brigade. Shaw’s report is just another example of an account by a man who was there that refutes the analysis provided by modern Shiloh historians. In regards to Buckland’s brigade it is a question of where to begin. Buckland’s brigade made an early stand and held the ridge west of Shiloh Church and vacated the position only when flanked by Rebel forces after Hildebrand’s brigade had disintegrated and Raith’s brigade of McClernand’s Division had been assailed and driven back towards the Purdy Road and Corinth Road crossroads. Sherman lovers promote the idea that Sherman went through an epiphany once he finally (around 8 AM according to his report) realized the Confederates were serious about driving the Union army into the swamps and had shot him and killed his orderly. This manifestation is considered sufficient to overlook Sherman’s blunders leading up to the attack and Sherman is given credit by some historians of commanding McClernand’s division as well as his own. One author (who I do not remember at the moment and really don’t care if I do) gave Sherman credit for riding up and down the entire Shiloh Church line encouraging the men to hold their ground. Since we are discussing Buckland’s brigade it should be noted that neither Sherman’s report nor Buckland’s report supports this claim. Sherman considered the Shiloh Church line as most important but he spent his efforts encouraging Hildebrand’s brigade. Considering the ignominious retreat of the 53rd Ohio led by Col. Appler and the disintegration of the 57th Ohio one wonders how successful of a job Sherman did. The 77th Ohio stood their ground longer as noted by their casualty count but once they were flanked that regiment also scattered and Hildebrand’s command had dwindled to the horse he was riding. Buckland’s brigade was singled out by Whitelaw Reid in his account of the battle of Shiloh. Following is a portion of Reid’s Shiloh account which mentions Buckland’s brigade as being caught in their beds and also shows that Reid heaped praise on Sherman’s performance which is often cited by Sherman supporters. Whitelaw Reid wrote the following: “Almost at dawn Sherman's pickets were driven in, a little later Prentiss' were; and the enemy were into the camps almost as soon as were the pickets themselves. Here began scenes, which, let us hope, will have no parallel in our remaining annals of the war. Many, particularly among our officers, were not yet out of bed. Others were dressing, others washing, others cooking, a few eating their breakfasts. Many guns were unloaded, accouterments lying pell mell, ammunition was ill supplied—in short, the camps were completely surprised, and were taken at almost every disadvantage. The first wild cries from the pickets rushing in, and the few scattering shots that preceded their arrival, aroused the regiments to a sense of their peril; an instant after rattling volleys of musketry poured through the tents, while, before there was time for thought or preparation, there came rushing through the woods, with lines of battle sweeping the whole fronts of the division camps and bending down on either flank, the fine, dashing, compact columns of the enemy. Into the just aroused camps thronged the rebel regiments, firing a sharp volley as they came and springing forward upon our laggards with the bayonet, for while their artillery, already in position, was tossing shells in the further side of the encampments, scores were shot down as they were running, without weapons, hatless, coatless, towards the river. The searching bullets found other poor unfortunates in their tents, and there, all unheeding now, they still slumbered, while the unseen foe rushed on. Others fell while they were disentangling themselves from the flaps that formed the doors of their tents; others as they were buckling on their accouterments; others as they were vainly endeavoring to impress on the cruelly exultant enemy their readiness to surrender. Officers were bayoneted in their beds, and left for dead, who, through the whole two days fearful struggle, lay there gasping in their agony, and on Monday evening were found, in gore inside their tents, and still able to tell the tale. Such were the fearful disasters that opened the rebel onset on the lines of Buckland's Brigade, in Sherman's Division. Similar, though perhaps less terrible in some of the details, were the fates of Prentiss' entire front. Meantime, what they could our shattered regiments did. Falling rapidly back through the heavy woods till they gained a protecting ridge, firing as they ran, and making what resistance men thus situated might, Sherman's men succeeded in partially checking the rush of the enemy long enough to form their hasty line of battle. Meantime, the other two brigades of the division (to the right) sprang hastily to their arms, and had barely done so when the enemy's lines came sweeping up against their fronts, too, and the battle thus opened fiercely along Sherman's whole line on the right. Buckland's brigade had been compelled to abandon their camps without a struggle, some of the regiments, it is even said, ran without firing a gun. It is certain that parts of regiments, both here and in other divisions, ran disgracefully. Yet they were not wholly without excuse. They were raw troops, just from the usual idleness of our "camps of instruction;" hundreds of them had never heard a gun fired in anger; their officers, for the most part, were equally inexperienced; they had been reposing in fancied security, and were awaked, perhaps, from sweet dreams of home, and wives, and children, by the stunning roar of cannon in their midst, and the bursting of a bombshell among their tents—to see only the serried columns of the magnificent rebel advance, and through the blind stilling smoke, the hasty retreat of comrades and supports, right and left. Certainly, it is sad enough, but hardly surprising, that under such circumstances some should run. Half as much caused the wild panic at Bull Run, for which the nation, as one man, became a loud-mouthed apologist. But they ran—here as in Prentiss' division, of which last more in a moment—and the enemy did not fail to profit by the wild disorder. As Buckland's brigade fell back, McClernand threw forward his left to support it. Meanwhile Sherman was doing his best to rally his troops—dashing along the lines, encouraging them everywhere by his presence, and exposing his own life with the same freedom with which he demanded they offer of theirs; he did much to save the division from utter destruction. Hildebrand and McDowell were compelled to retire their brigades from the enemy across the little ravine behind, but here, for a time, they made a gallant defense, while what was left of Buckland's was falling back in such order as it might, and leaving McClernand's left to take their place and check the wave of rebel advance.” (End of selected portion of Reid’s account) After reading Reid’s account one can understand Buckland’s indignation as reflected in his account of the fighting of his brigade on April 6, 1862. The men at Shiloh who were falsely maligned never forgot it and spent the rest of their lives defending themselves against the injustice hurled upon them. I do not begrudge Sherman accolades for his fighting prowess at Shiloh. But some authors have either purposely exaggerated his actions or did not do adequate research so an accurate analysis can be made. For one example Sherman spent the beginning of the battle around Shiloh Church. He sent aides to give orders to Buckland and McDowell but did not ride the full length of his division’s line. Sherman clarifies as much when he wrote in his OR report: “Although our left was thus turned and the enemy was pressing on the whole line, I deemed Shiloh so important that I remained by it, and renewed my orders to Colonels McDowell and Buckland to hold their ground, and we did hold those positions till about 10 o’clock a. m. when the enemy got his artillery to the rear of our left flank, and some change became absolutely necessary.” Sherman sent orders to Buckland and McDowell through aides and remained near Shiloh Church during the morning action. In Buckland’s OR report he makes no mention of seeing Sherman and states that: “In this position our line (Note: 1st line across the Corinth Road from Shiloh Church) was maintained for more than two hours under a deadly fire from the enemy. Officers and men behaved with great coolness and bravery, keeping up a constant stream of fire upon the enemy. He several times recoiled and rallied, but did not advance his line after the action commenced until we were ordered to fall back upon the Purdy road, which we did in good order….Colonels Sullivan and Cockerill would maintain their parts of the line, which they did gallantly until the regiment on the left of my brigade gave way and we were ordered to fall back.” Understanding what happened to Buckland’s brigade is not easy. Sherman’s and Buckland’s OR reports conflict in whether Buckland’s brigade remained organized. In Buckland’s withdrawal from the Shiloh Church line to the Purdy road Buckland states it was done “in good order.” Sherman wrote a paragraph of the action and it is beneficial to work through it to try and understand what Sherman wrote, particularly in regards to Buckland’s brigade. Sherman starts with “Two regiments of Hildebrands brigade—Appler’s and Mungen’s—had already disappeared to the rear, and Hildebrand’s own regiment was in disorder, and therefore I gave directions for Taylor’s battery, still at Shiloh, to fall back as far as the Purdy and Hamburg road and for McDowell and Buckland to adopt that road as their new line.” On the Shiloh Church line Buckland’s brigade of Ohioans had held their position against Cleburne and Anderson from approximately 8 a. m. to 10 a. m. Curiously Preston Pond did not press McDowell’s brigade so McDowell was not heavily engaged in this first line. McDowell even ordered the 40th Ohio commanded by Colonel Hicks to support Buckland’s right flank. When the order comes from Sherman for Buckland and McDowell to retreat and set up a new line on the Purdy and Hamburg road Buckland still has control of his brigade and they set up a line in the road. But when McDowell retreats he does not have contact with Buckland’s brigade and when he reaches the road he finds that Confederates have cut him off from reaching Buckland’s flank so McDowell continues withdrawing towards Jones Field and Sherman does not know where McDowell has gone. It is my understanding that Buckland’s men get to the road and then are forced off the road and into confusion because of Behr’s battery responding to the call from Sherman. McClernand’s division is positioned on the Corinth road while Buckland’s brigade is on the Hamburg-Purdy road so they meet at the crossroads. When the Rebels launch their successful assault on McClernand’s line it is most fierce at the crossroads and McClernand’s brigades are shattered and there is a pell mell retreat that Buckland claims broke through his brigade and Buckland lost control as many of his men joined the retreating soldiers towards the ravines draining towards Tilghman Branch. Continuing with Sherman’s report: “I rode across the angle and met Behr’s battery at the cross-roads, and ordered it immediately to unlimber and come into battery, action right. Captain Behr gave the order, but he was almost immediately shot from his horse, when the drivers and gunners fled in disorder, carrying off the caissons and abandoning five out of six guns without firing a shot.” By the time Sherman meets Behr’s battery Buckland’s brigade had been run through by the battery as it charged east on the Hamburg-Purdy Road. McDowell’s brigade had been cut off by Rebels and was heading towards Sowell Field. Sherman must have been unaware of McDowell’s predicament. One of Behr’s guns had remained with McDowell’s brigade guarding the Owl Creek brigade and retreated with McDowell. Sherman might be mistaken that Behr had six guns at the crossroads. Sherman’s next sentences show the difficulty in deciphering official reports as Sherman has the timing of events out of sequence. Sherman writes “The enemy pressed on, gaining this battery, and we were again forced to choose a new line of defense. Hildebrand’s brigade had substantially disappeared from the field, though he himself bravely remained. McDowell’s and Buckland’s brigades still retained their organizations, and were conducted by my aides so as to join on General McClernand’s right, thus abandoning my original camps and line.” Sherman’s account of his aides conducting McDowell’s and Buckland’s brigades to join McClernand’s right had to have been before the loss of Behr’s battery. Sherman abandoned his camps and first line to take position in the Hamburg-Purdy Road which was on McClernand’s right. Sherman still has Buckland’s brigade organized but that changes after the crossroads crumble and Buckland’s brigade is broken up. Sherman’s inadequate description of the action continues with: “This was about 10:30 a. m., at which time the enemy had made a furious attack on General McClernand’s whole front. Finding him pressed, I moved McDowell’s brigade directly against the left flank of the enemy, forced him back some distance, and then directed the men to avail themselves of every cover—trees, fallen timber, and a wooded valley to our right.” Sherman is describing the massive Rebel crossroads assault against McClernand and Veatch’s brigade that Hurlbut had sent over to reinforce Sherman and McClernand. “Finding him pressed” is an understatement. McClernand’s brigades of Raith and Marsh and also Veatch were shattered and some regiments retreated towards Jones field while others retreated into ravines between Jones Field and Duncan Field. Fortunately the Rebels did not pursue the retreating Union forces after forcing them from the Hamburg-Purdy and Corinth roads. Sherman leaves out that it took some time to find McDowell’s brigade and finally Sherman finds McDowell in Jones Field and it is from there he orders McDowell to counterattack. But at the same time McClernand is counterattacking with the forces of his division that had retreated to Jones Field. Sherman notes the success McDowell has in forcing back the Rebels but it is done at a fearful price. Finishing with Sherman’s comments: “We held this position for four long hours, sometimes gaining and at other times losing ground, General McClernand and myself acting in perfect concert and struggling to maintain this line.” In one sentence Sherman describes the vicious fighting that occurred in the counterattack that, temporarily, regained McClernand’s headquarters. I think the counterattack started around noon and around 2 p. m. Union forces were back in Jones Field and action died down so Sherman’s estimate of four hours is probably too long. It is unfortunate that Sherman is unaware of the true significance of the counterattack in occupying Confederate forces and causing them to spill more blood in driving the Union forces back again. McDowell’s and Trabue’s Rebel brigade engage in heavy and vicious fighting as evident by the existence of two known Rebel burial trenches in this area. But back to Buckland’s brigade and what happened to them after they were driven from the Hamburg-Purdy Road. Buckland seems to give us a pretty good idea in his official report as he wrote: “We formed again on the Purdy road, but the fleeing mass from the left broke through our lines, and many of our men caught the infection and fled with the crowd. Colonel Cockerill became separated from Colonel Sullivan and myself, and was afterwards engaged with part of his command at McClernand’s camp. Colonel Sullivan and myself kept together and made every effort to rally our men, but with very poor success. They had become scattered in all directions. We were borne considerably to the left, but finally succeeded in forming a line and had a short engagement with the enemy, who made his appearance soon after our line was formed. The enemy fell back, and we proceeded to the road, where you found us. At this point I was joined by Colonel Cockerill, and we there formed line of battle, and slept on our arms Sunday night.” From this we ascertain that Buckland was not involved in the counterattack and retreated towards Tilghman branch and beyond. Sherman finds them all the way back in the Hamburg-Savannah road after 4 p. m. Sherman again writes that in his final line: “Buckland’s brigade was the only one with me that retained its organization.” It appears that after Buckland is driven from the Hamburg-Purdy Road he spends the rest of the day trying to meld together his scattered forces and manages to get enough together by nightfall in the Hamburg-Savannah Road that Sherman still thinks he has his organization. Buckland wrote in his official report that Colonel Alfred Mouton commanding the 18th Louisiana of Preston Pond’s brigade was killed in front of his brigade at the Shiloh Church line. A couple days after the battle and the Rebels back in Corinth I am sure Colonel Mouton was surprised to find out he had died in the battle. However, Mouton would not survive the war as he was killed leading his troops at the battle of Mansfield in Louisiana on April 8, 1864 in one of the actions in the Red River Campaign. The regimental reports for Buckland’s brigade consist of a single paragraph from Lt. Col. Parker of the 48th Ohio. No separate report for Buckland’s 72nd Ohio regiment but a long report from Colonel Cockerill of the 70th Ohio. Cockerill describes falling in with McDowell’s brigade during the counterattack which recaptures McClernand’s camps. After the Rebels regain the ground lost Cockerill retreated all the way to the Hamburg-Savannah road and wrote that Buckland came up with the 72nd Ohio and they bivouacked together that night. The 48th Ohio ended up going to the landing for ammunition, unbeknownst to Buckland, and got corralled in supporting one of the batteries near the landing and did not rejoin Buckland’s brigade until the next morning in time to participate in the festivities of April 7. Cockerill does not state how many men of his regiment stayed with him. This is always a problem because there are many soldier’s accounts of how regiments broke up but some of the men kept fighting by attaching themselves to other regiments but you never know how many. Colonel Cockerill and his son play a prime role in the new Shiloh film, Fiery Trial. The account is based on the 16 year-old John Cockerill’s account of his day at Shiloh on April 6, 1862. His account describes the beginning of the fight in the camp of the 70th Ohio and is of interest when studying Buckland’s Brigade. John Cockerill’s account is title “A Boy at Shiloh” and was published in 1908 in Volume 6 of Sketches of War History published by the Ohio Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States (MOLLUS). Here is a link to a copy: https://books.google.com/books?id=W94SAAAAYAAJ If that does not work you can search for it. To make your day there are two other accounts about Shiloh in this publication. “The Battle of Shiloh as a Private Saw It” by Captain Robert H. Flemming who was with the 77th Ohio. Fleming’s account should not be missed as the 77th Ohio was right next to Buckland’s brigade. Also available is “The Second Day at Shiloh” by Lewis Hosea who was with the regulars, 16th U.S. Infantry in McCook’s division of Buell’s Army of the Ohio and offers a critique of the history of the battle developed by the Shiloh Commission in reference to the Army of the Ohio. Hosea was not impressed. There is a regimental history from 1880 of the 48th Ohio which gives more ideas as to what the regiment did as opposed to Lt. Col. Parker’s short report. The history was written by John A. Bering and titled History of the Forty-Eighth Ohio Vet. Vol. Inf. I don’t know why some links are short and others long but here is a link to the publication: https://books.google.com/books?id=0pTLUTrt8okC&pg=PA189&dq=48th+Ohio+Infantry+Regiment&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiF0uDqg7rPAhUJ6GMKHdGfAL4Q6AEINDAE#v=onepage&q=48th Ohio Infantry Regiment&f=false There is more I could add but I see I am at seven pages already and I will stop here. Buckland’s brigade is important to the battle because they made a two-hour stand on the ridge west of Shiloh Church. Buckland’s men figure prominently in the events of April 4th. But after their stand at the ridge line Buckland’s brigade does not fight together during the counterattack and drifts towards the final line at the Hamburg-Savannah road. The brigade is reunited and fights on the second day. Hank
  15. In Search of David Wilson Reed

    Many thanks to the UIU archivist for helping me (us) out and providing a great picture of the 12th Iowa flag and the description of it. Veterans of the 12th Iowa remembered with bitterness the loss and the treatment that their first flag suffered at Shiloh. It was not expected to find such a display of civil war memorabilia when visiting the home town of David Reed and the university from which the "University Recruits" ventured forth in September 1861. It makes the effort worthwhile when you have a forum (Thanks, Perry) full of interested civil war enthusiasts to share the discovery. UIU deserves recognition for having such civil war artifacts on display so we can all see them. Sincerely, Hank