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Found 12 results

  1. Ozzy

    Shiloh primary sources

    The following link leads to 21 pages of titles/ authors of primary sources (created through about 1920) relating to Battle of Shiloh: http://www.civilwardigital.com/Shiloh-_Guide_to_Collection.pdf Guide to Shiloh primary sources Cheers Ozzy
  2. I have long searched for these two maps, and only just discovered the method to access them online: they were either commissioned or drawn by MGen US Grant in March 1862, and were sent to General Halleck (along with a brief report) on March 25th 1862 [OR 52 (part 1) page 230]. To be found in the Atlas of the Official Records (mislabelled as Plate 75) they are Maps 3 and 6 of Plate 78 (Plate LXXVIII). They should open through this link: http://ehistory.osu.edu/books/official-records/atlas-plates-61-120 (General Grant's maps of Shiloh/Pittsburg Landing: maps 3 and 6) Ozzy N.B. Just tried it... click on Plate 75's Image, and on the expanded image, the two maps are at top right corner, and bottom right corner. (Otherwise click on written heading "Plate 78" for the same result: headings do not match images, as listed in Atlas -- Ozzy.)
  3. For those who have never read it (or have not read it in a while) here is the Shiloh Report submitted by General Prentiss. Cheers Ozzy Prentiss’s Official Shiloh Report of November 1862 COLONEL: Upon my return from captivity in the hands of the public enemy I have the honor to submit my report of the part taken in the battle of the 6th of April last, near Pittsburg Landing, by the Sixth Division, Army of West Tennessee, the command of which had been assigned to me. I have the honor to transmit field return of the force which was subjected to my control, as it appeared upon the morning of the engagement, the same being marked A.# [Sixth Division field returns and casualty record – Ozzy.] Saturday evening, pursuant to instructions received when I was assigned to duty with the Army of West Tennessee, the usual advance guard was posted, and in view of information received from the commandant thereof, I sent forward five companies of the Twenty-fifth Missouri and five companies of the Twenty-first Missouri Infantry,under command of Colonel David Moore, Twenty-first Missouri. I also,after consultation with Colonel David Stuart, commanding a brigade of General Sherman's division, sent to the left one company of the Eighteenth Wisconsin Infantry, under command of Captain Fisk. At about 7 o'clock the same evening Colonel Moore returned, reporting some activity in the front-an evident reconnaissance by cavalry. This information received, I proceeded to strengthen the guard stationed on the Corinth road, extending the picket lines to the front a distance of a mile and a half, at the same time extending and doubling the lines of the grand guard. At 3 o'clock on the morning of Sunday, April 6, Colonel David Moore, Twenty-first Missouri, with five companies of his infantry regiment, proceeded to the front, and at break of day the advance pickets were driven in, whereupon Colonel Moore pushed forward and engaged the enemy's advance, commanded by General Hardee. At this stage a messenger was sent to my headquarters, calling for the balance of the Twenty-first Missouri, which was promptly sent forward. This information received, I at once ordered the entire force into line,and the remaining regiments of the First Brigade, commanded by Colonel Everett Peabody, consisting of the Twenty-fifth Missouri, Sixteenth Wisconsin, and Twelfth Michigan Infantry were advanced well to the front. I forthwith at this juncture communicated the fact of the attack in force to Major-General Smith and Brigadier General S. A. Hurlbut. Shortly before 6 o'clock, Colonel David Moore having been severely wounded, his regiment commenced falling back, reaching our front line at about 6 o'clock, the enemy being close upon his rear. Hereupon the entire force, excepting only the Sixteenth Iowa, which had been sent to the field the day previous without ammunition,and the cavalry, which was held in readiness to the rear, was advanced to the extreme front, and thrown out alternately to the right and left. Shortly after 6 o'clock the entire line was under fire, receiving the assault made by the entire force of the enemy, advancing in three columns simultaneously upon our left, center, and right. This position was held until the enemy had passed our right flank, this movement being effected by reason of the falling back of some regiment to our right not belonging to the division. Perceiving the enemy was flanking me, I ordered the division to retire in line of battle to the color line of our encampment,at the same time communicating to Generals Smith and Hurlbut the fact of the falling back, and asking for re-enforcements. Being again assailed, in position described, by an overwhelming force, and not being able longer to hold the ground against the enemy, I ordered the divisions to fal back to the line occupied by General Hurlbut, and at 9.05. a.m. reformed to the right of General Hurlbut, and to the left of Brigadier General W. H. L. Wallace, who I found in command of the division assigned to Major-General Smith. At this point the Twenty-third Missouri Infantry, commanded by Colonel Tindall, which had just disembarked from a transport,and had been ordered to report to me as a part of the Sixth Division, joined. This regiment I immediately assigned to position on the left. My battery (Fifth Ohio) was posted to the right on the road. At about 10 o'clock my line was again assailed, and finding my command greatly reduced by reason of casualties and because of the falling back of many of the men to the river, they being panic-stricken- a majority of them having now for the first time been exposed to fire-I communicated,with General W. H. L. Wallace, who sent to my assistance the Eighth Iowa Infantry, commanded by Colonel J. L. Geddes. After having once driven the enemy back form this position Major General U. S. Grant appeared upon the field. I exhibited to him the disposition of my entire force, which disposition received his commendation, and I received my final orders, which were to maintain that position at all hazards. This position I did maintain until 4 o'clock p.m. when General Hurlbut, being overpowered,was forced to retire. I was then compelled to change front with the Twenty-third Missouri, Twenty-first Missouri Eighteenth Wisconsin, Eighteenth Missouri, and part of the Twelfth Michigan, occupying a portion of the ground vacated by General Hurlbut. I was in constant communication with Generals Hurlbut and Wallace during the day, and both of them were aware of the importance of holding our position until night. When the gallant Hurlbut was forced to retire General Wallace and myself consulted, and agreed to hold our positions at all hazards, believing that we could thus save the army from destruction; we having been now informed for the first time that all others had fallen back to the vicinity of the river. A few minutes after General W. H. L. Wallace received the wound of which he shortly afterwards died. Upon the fall of General Wallace, his division,excepting the Eighth Iowa, Colonel Geddes, acting with me, and the Fourteenth Iowa, Colonel Shaw; Twelfth Iowa, Colonel Woods, and Fifty-eighth Illinois, Colonel Lynch, retired from the field. Perceiving that I was about to be surrounded, and having dispatched my aide, Lieutenant Edwin Moore, for re-enforcements, I determined to assail the enemy, which had passed between me and the river, charging upon him with my entire force. I found him advancing in mass, completely encircling my command, and nothing was left but to harass him and retard his progress so long as might be possible. This I did until 5.30 p.m., when finding that further resistance must result in the slaughter of every man in the command, I had to yield the fight. The enemy succeeded in capturing myself and 2,200 rank and file, many of them being wounded. Colonel Madison Miller, Eighteenth Missouri Infantry, was during the day in command of a brigade, and was among those taken prisoner. He acted during the day with distinguished courage, coolness, and ability. Upon Colonel J. L. Geddes, Eighth Iowa, the same praise can be partly bestowed. He and his regiment stood unflinchingly up to the work the entire portion of the day during which he acted under my orders. Colonel J. S. Alban and his lieutenant-colonel, Beall, of the Eighteenth Wisconsin, were,until they were wounded, ever to the front, encouraging their command. Colonel Jacob Fry, of the Sixty-first Illinois, with an undrilled regiment fresh in the service,kept his men well forward under every assault until the third line was formed, when he became detached, and fought under General Hurlbut. Colonel Shaw, of the Fourteenth Iowa, behaved with great coolness, disposed his men sharply at every command, and maintained his front unbroken through several fierce attacks. Colonel Tindall, Lieutenant-Colonel Morton, and Major McCullough, of the Twenty-third Missouri, are entitled to high meed of praise for gallant conduct. It is difficult to discriminate among so many gallant men as surrounded me when we were forced to yield to the overpowering strength of the enemy. Their bravery under the hottest fire is testified to by the devotion with which they stood forward against fearful odds to contend for the cause they were engaged in. To the officers and men who thus held to the last their undaunted front too much praise cannot be given. Captain McMichael, assistant adjutant-general,attached to the division commanded by General Wallace, joined me upon the field when his gallant leader fell. He is entitled to special mention for his conduct while so serving. Colonel David Moore is entitled to special mention. Captain A. Hickenlooper, of the Fifth Ohio Battery, by his gallant conduct, commended himself to general praise. My staff consisted of but three officers. Brigade Surg. S. W. Everett was killed early in the engagement, gallantly cheering the Eighteenth Missouri Regiment to the contest. Lieutenant Edwin Moore, aide-de-camp, during the entire battle, was by my side, unless when detached upon the dangerous service of his office. Captain Henry Binmore, assistant adjutant-general, was with me, performing his duty to my great satisfaction, until, being exhausted, I compelled him to leave the field. I have the honor to be, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, B. M. PRENTISS, Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers, Colonel J. C. KELTON, Asst. Adjt. Gen., U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. [from The War of the Rebellion: Original Records of the Civil War, Serial 1, Volume 10 (Shiloh) – no longer in copyright.]
  4. Ozzy

    Pittsburg... up close.

    Pittsburg Landing, April 1862. Ran across the above image while searching for something else. It was filed under "Steamers at Chickasaw Bluff" on a Civil War website (but it is obviously not Chickasaw Bluff, Mississippi.) Cheers Ozzy
  5. Because of the persistent flooding of the Tennessee River, and the expanse of water-logged terrain in vicinity of Union-controlled Fort Henry, that position was deemed unsuitable for loading significant numbers of troops. So, when the time arrived for the thousands of Federal troops camped in vicinity of Union-held Fort Donelson to "march to the Tennessee River and board steamers for the Expedition" (ultimately destined for Pittsburg Landing), those troops were not marched to Fort Henry; instead, they took the Ridge Road until three miles west of the Furnace, turned left, and continued southwest to Metal Landing (a point on the Tennessee River about three miles south of Fort Henry.) The first Federal troops to reach Metal Landing belonged to Brigadier General McClernand, arrived about March 4th. As steamers arrived, they were loaded, then joined the convoy led by Brigadier General Sherman's new division (dispatched from Paducah, and protected by a timberclad gunboat.) To expedite loading of soldiers at Metal Landing, Colonel Jacob Lauman was sent on detached duty from the Second Division, to act as Transport Organizer (Lauman was in place by March 10th.) And on March 13th, with the Federal troops mostly departed, Metal Landing was deemed suitable for holding Army livestock: pens were ordered constructed that could hold 1000 head of cattle. Metal Landing remained in use through the build-up of forces at Pittsburg Landing. Ozzy References: Papers of US Grant volume 4, pages 312, 322, 323, 342, 351 and 356. [Map showing Metal Landing south of Fort Henry, from Papers of US Grant, volume 4.]
  6. It's not often you find an eyewitness account of "that march" conducted by Lew Wallace on Sunday, April 6th... Johann Stuber migrated with his parents and siblings from Switzerland in 1854, and settled in Cincinnati. In October 1861, the 23 year old, trained as a typesetter, joined the 58th Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Company A, and was soon promoted to Corporal. First seeing action at Fort Donelson, the 58th Ohio remained with Lew Wallace's Third Division; and when that division was sent to Crump's Landing in March 1862, the 2nd Brigade (Colonel John Thayer) comprising the 58th OVI, 68th OVI, 23rd Indiana and 1st Nebraska, established its brigade camp in vicinity of Stony Lonesome, midway between Adamsville and Crump's Landing. Corporal Stuber's report for April 6th 1862: "In the morning we heard from the vicinity of Pittsburg Landing a heavy cannonade, which soon developed into an unbroken roar, which persisted as the morning wore on. From the Landing (where our provisions were kept), there came a "rabbit-footed messenger," who had arrived by boat. He loudly reported that he was a member of the 57th Ohio, and that upon being aroused from his sleep by the noise of battle, raced for the Landing and took a boat to Crump's, to deliver the news: but not for us to hurry to help, but to flee for our lives downriver. Knowing that our Army had 50,000 troops at Pittsburg, confirmed by Captain Markgraff during his recent visit, we refused to believe this refugee's report. "About midday, we received the orders preparatory to marching: ammunition was distributed, and we packed necessities and rations for ten days. After about an hour, we began to march south with our heavy knapsacks (instead of taking the boats, as we believed we would). It was dreadfully hot, and the soldiers of the regiments ahead of us threw away their blankets and excess clothing during the march, so that a carpet of clothing lined both sides of the road. We had hiked about seven miles, and were about one mile from our destination, when a report came that we were going the wrong way. We were turned around, and told to take another road -- which caused us to go double the distance in order to arrive where we were wanted. "It was during twilight that my regiment reached a dark woods, at the edge of a swamp, and were told to wait. And while we waited, we were not allowed to do anything -- no pipes or cigars -- because we were told the Rebels could be on the other side of the swamp, only 500 yards away. Finally, we passed through that swamp and reaching the other side, were told we had arrived. We continued marching, and the gunboats were firing, supposedly in the direction of the Rebels. We had gone about a mile when we entered a Union camp, totally abandoned by its owners, but with the tents filled with wounded, who all seemed to be moaning and crying from their wounds. We continued past this camp, and entered a dark woods, where we halted and attempted to rest beneath the boughs of the trees. But the gunboats continued firing; and it started to rain... a thunderstorm, no less. As bad as it was for us, we could not help feeling pity for the wounded, caught in the open with no shelter. We could hear them, away out there, somewhere, in the darkness, calling for help, and for water. And we could not help them. The pickets were not far from us; and the enemy's pickets were not far from our pickets. During the night, firing occurred between the lines of pickets, so heavy at times it seemed the Battle had resumed..." [Above record translated and edited; entry from "The Diary of Johann Stuber" for 6 April 1862.] Ozzy Reference: http://archive.org/stream/meintagebuchuber00stub#page/22/mode/2up
  7. Ozzy

    Letter from the 6th Iowa

    Oliver Boardman was a 21 year old from Albia, Iowa who enlisted as a Private in the 6th Iowa Volunteer Infantry, Co. E at Burlington in July 1861; and spent the next several months guarding trains in northern Missouri. On 14 March 1862, the Crescent City touched at Savannah Tennessee, and two days later the 6th Iowa disembarked at Pittsburg Landing. On April 24th, Private Boardman wrote a letter to his brother and sister back in Albia, and in eight pages describes his activity "on the far right of the Army, under General Sherman." Boardman recalls "just getting out of a trap" and hurrying with his regiment to the north; being engaged, while continually falling back; and "being supported" by one regiment after another, "which would fire two or three shots, then disappear." Eventually reaching "the tight pocket of our Army, on the bluff," Private Boardman identifies the arrival of Buell; the Siege guns; and the gunboats as crucial in warding off Rebel success {"They finally gave up on taking the Landing, and left us alone til morning.") Day Two, Private Boardman went with a company of the 6th Iowa, attached to "another regiment," and joined Sherman in fighting "in a westerly direction" during which Boardman's company was assigned as support to a battery. During the course of an artillery duel, Boardman describes, "there being so much smoke, it was hard to see anything. But eventually we took that Rebel battery." In the aftermath, Private Boardman contemplated "what went wrong" at Shiloh, and put it down to "believing too much in our own strength," and "the scattered nature of the camps." [In a later letter, written May 11th, Oliver Boardman also remarked that, "He believes the generals will do right, this time. Grant is not with us; Halleck has our confidence."] The 24 April 1862 Letter from Oliver Boardman is one of more than a dozen letters, covering July 1861 through the Vicksburg Campaign of 1863. Each letter is written in a legible cursive handwriting (with typed transcript at bottom of each page.) The collection is on file with Iowa Heritage Digital Collection (associated with Universities of Iowa): http://128.255.22.135/cdm/ref/collection/cwd/id/21464 Private Oliver Boardman Letter from Shiloh, 24 April 1862 Cheers Ozzy
  8. Ozzy

    Name the Artist

    Here's an easy one (as only a handful of sketch artists are known to have worked in vicinity of Pittsburg Landing, April 1862): Name the artist of the above sketch (first and last name.) Good luck... Ozzy
  9. Ozzy

    Ft. Don vs. Shiloh

    I was hoping to discuss this topic when I joined you at Fort Donelson for the 2016 Fall Hike. But since my travel plans fell through, I've decided to introduce the topic, now... I'm sure most of you have given some thought to this all ready: the many similarities of the Battle of Shiloh to the Engagement at Fort Donelson. In many respects, Shiloh presents as Fort Donelson-in-reverse, with the Federals at Shiloh acting as defenders, and Rebels acting as attackers. Obviously, the biggest difference involves the outcome: the Defenders lost Fort Donelson; but the Defenders won at Pittsburg Landing. Here are some of the similarities between the two actions: Location: both "bastions" were situated on the west bank of a major river, with that river in flood; High ground: both engagements involved Defenders fighting a fort/stronghold, perched on high ground; Detachments: Lew Wallace was away from the main area of operation, at Crump's Landing; Floyd was initially at Clarksville; The real objective was "someplace else" ...for US Grant, the Battle of Shiloh was supposed to take place at Corinth Mississippi; the Engagement at Fort Donelson was necessary because the primary Federal objective (Fort Columbus) was too strong; River defenses: defenders at both bastions had significant river-based defenses. At Pittsburg Landing, Grant had Navy gunboats at his disposal; and he had access to paddle steamers to act as troop transports and ammunition resupply. At Fort Donelson, the Defenders had access to paddle steamers to act as troop transports and ammunition resupply; large calibre guns faced the river and a floating abattis was in place one mile upstream downstream; and sunken hulks were in place at Lineville, all designed to frustrate Union gunboats. Timing was critical. During the Battle of Shiloh, US Grant had to hold on until Buell arrived; at Fort Donelson, Floyd believed he had to hold on until Albert Sidney Johnston completed his evacuation from Bowling Green and reached Nashville; Opportunity to escape: at Pittsburg Landing, Grant had access to pontoons to construct a bridge (which he was aware of, but ignored); Floyd had the opportunity to escape the trap that Fort Donelson became, but flubbed the execution; Both actions required multiple days (Fort Donelson 11-16 February; and Shiloh 4-8 April 1862) Misuse of cavalry. Because US Grant was ordered "Do not bring on a general Engagement," he restricted the extent of his cavalry patrols (almost resulting in fatal consequences); Floyd Pillow made use of his cavalry for reconnaissance, but did not use it offensively (against Federal troops marching across from Fort Henry) with fatal consequences [Pillow sent Nathan Bedford Forrest away on reconnaissance on the morning of February 12th with the added direction "Do not bring on a general engagement" [See OR vol. 7 page 328 Buckner's report]; Controversy: Fort Donelson had four different Confederate commanders over the course of ten days; Pittsburg Landing had five different Federal commanders... on one day... until US Grant arrived from Savannah after 8:30am on April 6th and assumed overall control; Controversy too: Lew Wallace and Don Carlos Buell were late arriving at the Battle of Shiloh; Floyd and Pillow left Buckner holding the bag in the final hours at Fort Donelson; POWs Significant numbers of Confederate prisoners were taken at Fort Donelson and mostly sent north to Camp Douglas at Chicago and Camp Morton at Indianapolis; significant numbers of Federal prisoners were taken during the Battle of Shiloh and mostly sent to Tuscaloosa, Selma, Cahaba, Montgomery Cotton Shed and Macon's Camp Oglethorpe. Just to ponder... Ozzy References on request
  10. Ozzy

    The Hero of Shiloh

    Let's start with a question, IRT... tornadoes. Is the apparent increase in the number of tornadoes photographed, from one year to the next, mostly the result of an increase in the number of tornadoes; or are there more cameras in the hands of everyday citizens, which are then more readily available to be used to capture images, that would have been missed years ago? I begin this post with a weather question, because I believe a similar query can be posed IRT 'the heroes' of Shiloh. Does the difficulty in determining a 'Hero of Shiloh' lie in the fact that 1) all of the potential selectees possess un-hero-like qualities (flaws) that detract from/negate their positive achievements, or 2) we have over-examined potential heroes, and dug up flaws that would have been ignored/remained hidden in years past? Two examples: one of my Civil War heroes is Joshua Chamberlain. Another is Adam Slemmer. I am comfortable with their hero-status, and am hesitant to dig deeper into their stories, because I do not want to find out their hidden flaws. So... what about the Hero of Shiloh? Ozzy
  11. Ozzy

    A Tale of Two Maps

    Just for the sake of comparison, here is the Map used by Confederate Generals at the Battle of Shiloh (found in The Life of Albert Sidney Johnston, by William Preston Johnston (1878) page 558: And here is the map constructed for Henry Halleck, during the April/May 1862 advance on Corinth (found at the Library of Congress, and attributed to Colonel George Thom, Topographical Engineer): Obviously, someone had a lot more time on his hands... Regards Ozzy
  12. Ozzy

    Shiloh Staff Ride 2003

    For anyone who has never read a Staff Ride Guidebook, this is your opportunity... Staff Ride Handbook for the Battle of Shiloh, 6-7 April 1862, by LtCol Jeffrey Gudmens USA; Combat Studies Institute Press, Fort Leavenworth, KS [2003], 160 pages. A no-nonsense description of the environment, leaders, troops and weapons involved in the Battle of Shiloh, designed for use by officers-in-training during a visit to the battlefield, experiencing in 3-D what it was like for the original participants. And providing a hands-on opportunity to second guess the leaders, or at least, better understand their actions. Consisting of five sections, Section One describes the weapons used (in detail), troop numbers and organization, and tactics employed. Forty-two pages of interesting facts, with some unexpected gems, such as this one: the development of the rifled musket was a better innovation than the development of the rifled cannon, although it would seem that 'rifling' would improve both types of weapon equally. The reason: the tactics employed. Infantrymen (especially defenders) were able to put their long-range accuracy to better use; while artillerymen still used Mexican War tactics that brought them into range of the rifled musket of the infantry. Also, the type of projectile used against infantry concentrations did not benefit by the addition of rifling groves in the cannon barrel. Section Two (pages 43-57) provides an overview of the Shiloh Campaign, beginning with the crumbling of Johnston's Kentucky Line, and ending on the evening of April 5th. The Confederate goals, and the Federal determination to link Buell with Grant before pressing south to Corinth, are discussed. Concise biographies of the major players on both sides are presented. Section Three is devoted to 'Suggested routes and vignettes,' offering twenty possible scenarios (called 'stands') for examination and discussion, on site. Included, are stands for Fraley Field; Peabody's Camps; Sherman's Second Line; Lew Wallace's march; Stuart's Brigade resistance; the Hornet's Nest... Section Four, beginning page 133, talks about the need for students to read, study and prepare before embarking on a Staff Ride. Section Five lays out logistics to consider, to enable a successful visit to the Military Park. The Appendix includes 'Order of Battle' for USA and CSA; more biographical sketches; and a list/description of the Medal of Honor winners at Shiloh. At least two dozen maps, most accompany the vignettes. And, even the most crusty Shiloh expert will discover at least one 'interesting fact' not encountered before. (For me, it was the revelation that the Federal standing Army was 16000 men, prior to the start of the war. Of that number, the Officers with Southern sympathies were allowed to resign; but the Enlisted men with Southern sympathies were not... Which begs the question...) http://usacac.army.mil/cac2/cgsc/carl/download/csipubs/gudmens.pdf Cheers Ozzy
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