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Shiloh survey (2).jpg  ( Confederate Veteran Magazine, March 1895.)

 

Much deserving credit is accorded Major D. W. Reed in helping make Shiloh NMP what it is today. But, "unrecognized others" were just as necessary to the creation of, "the wondrous preserve that is Shiloh NMP and Cemetery" (including the survey team, pictured above.)

In Confederate Veteran (volume 3, edition of March 1895, pages 75 - 77) begins an extensive article that details work of some of the other men (and provides photographs): Colonel E T. Lee and Captain J. W. Irwin, just two mentioned. Others include Colonel Cornelius Cadle (Park Commissioner), General Don Carlos Buell (Park Commissioner -- page 104), and Captain James Williams (Assistant Secretary of Shiloh Battlefield Association, former member of Brewer's Cavalry Battalion, then living in Savannah Tennessee.)

The article begins with an "invitation to attend the Second Reunion at Shiloh, to be held April 5 and 6 1895 at Pittsburg Landing," and flows into a description of the work done by Colonel E. T. Lee of Monticello Illinois (Secretary of the Shiloh Battlefield Association.) E. T. Lee also wrote a four column article on Battle of Shiloh (included in references at bottom.)

On page 77 the details of Captain J. W. Irwin are revealed (former member of Confederate Cavalry that was absorbed into N. B. Forrest's command.) A two-page article detailing service with General Forrest is included.

Much additional information is to be found in volumes 3 and 4 of Confederate Veteran, but the Index does not allow effective searching. [Best to click on the "Catalog Record," below; select the desired volume; and in Search Box at top of that volume, insert "Shiloh" for references IRT the creation of the Military Park.]

Regards

Ozzy

References:  http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044035882372;view=1up;seq=104  Confederate Veteran, volume 3.

http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000528187  Catalog Record for Confederate Veteran Magazine (all issues, 1893 - 1922.)

http://newspapers.library.in.gov/cgi-bin/indiana?a=d&d=INN18950302-01.1.11  Indianapolis News of 2 MAR 1895, page 11, "Shiloh Memorial Park" by E. T. Lee.

 

N.B.  Did anyone else notice the steamboat in the background? Might be the Edgar Cherry.

 

 

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I tell you.  I am sure most of you know Paul aka Dude that has worked as a seasonal ranger at Shiloh for years.  Almost every day after work he goes walking/hiking around the battlefield.  He is a local boy and he knows the land.  Some of his observations about the terrain and how the terrain has changed leave you with raised eyebrows, like, wow, that is a solidly legit point.  

It would be a great thing to have Dude give a hike and show you what he has seen and what he thinks.  

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The following report was created by Colonel E. T. Lee, originally of the 41st Illinois, but who closed out his Civil War service with the 53rd Illinois. After the war, E. T. Lee became a prime mover in the Shiloh Battlefield Association, which successfully pushed for establishment of Shiloh National Military Park.

The Battle of Shiloh

By Colonel E. T. Lee

(originally published 2 April 1891)

 

There was no battle of the war for the Union which has been more written about and less understood than the Battle of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, which was fought on the west bank of the Tennessee River on 6 and 7 April 1862, between the Union army commanded by Major General U. S. Grant and Major General D. C. Buell, and the Confederate army under General Albert Sidney Johnston and General PGT Beauregard.

But before we enter into a description of the two days’ battle, let us look at the situation of the two armies and their commanders. On the side of the Union, General Grant, with his victorious Army of Tennessee, had just taken Forts Henry and Donelson, with 15,000 prisoners and all the cannon and small arms, and had gone up the Cumberland River and captured Clarksville and other points, then sent gunboats up the Tennessee as far as Pittsburg Landing. These victories had thrilled the loyal North, for Fort Donelson was the first great Union victory of the war. The troops had caught the inspiration, and felt that they were invincible, and were anxious and ready to meet the enemy on any field.

 But the triumph of these troops and the achievements of their commander had already awakened jealousy in the minds of those higher in authority, and as the great army gathered at Fort Henry to take the steamers to go up the Tennessee, there came an order which read as follows: “To General Grant. You will make your headquarters at Fort Henry until further instructions. Turn the command over to General C. F. Smith. By order of Henry W. Halleck, Major General.” Imagine the feelings of the army and its commander, upon the receipt of this unexpected order. General Halleck had trumped up charges against General Grant, claiming that he had failed to report the strength of the army under his command, and that he had exceeded his authority by taking Clarksville and visiting Nashville. He made these charges to General George B. McClellan, then in command of the army. Like the good soldier that he was, General Grant obeyed this order and turned over his command to General C. F. Smith, who was a gallant soldier and admitted that a very great injustice had been done General Grant. The troops went on board the large fleet of steamers, and one of the grandest sights ever witnessed on the Western Waters was the old Army of the Tennessee leaving Fort Henry for the new base at Pittsburg Landing.

The troops were rejoicing that they were to go on to the front to meet the enemies of our Union and the old flag, and as the steamers passed each other, with bands playing and flags floating, cheer after cheer echoed over the Tennessee River. The Silver Moon and the Glendale joined in the grand chorus with their steam calliopes, with one playing, “Dixie,” and the other, “The Girl I Left Behind Me.”

The river was high on account of the Spring rains, and gunboats accompanied the transports up the river. The boat which carried the 41st Illinois, the Aleck Scott, was the fastest on the river, and we passed every other steamer except General S. A. Hurlbut’s headquarters boat, and landed at Pittsburg Landing, the first of all the troops who went up on that occasion. There had been two companies of the 32nd Illinois and one of the gunboats up there a few days before, and they had had a skirmish at the Landing, and one or two of the 32nd boys had been killed or wounded.

We loaded our guns on the steamer and deployed up the bank and out into the timber, but found no enemy there at that time. We went out about one mile from the Landing and went into camp. The remainder of our division followed, and soon WHL Wallace, General B. M. Prentiss, General John A. McClernand, and General W. T. Sherman, with their divisions, arrived and went into camp farther out; Generals Sherman and McClernand occupying the ground near the Shiloh Church, where the battle opened the morning of the Sixth, about two miles and a half from the Landing. General Lew Wallace with his division was stationed at Crump’s Landing, some six miles down the river, on the west side. General C. F. Smith established headquarters at Savannah about eight miles down the river, on the east bank. Thus was the Union army located. Pittsburg Landing was an elevated location and heavily-wooded land. Snake Creek emptied into the Tennessee River on the north, and Dill’s Run and Owl Creek on the South. The place could have been made impregnable in a very short time by the erection of breastworks, but there were none thrown up; and it was here that our Western army was to learn its great lesson that was ever afterward remembered, with our commanders always on the lookout for any emergency, and ever ready to receive or to make an attack. It was a dear lesson, but a positive one, that Grant or Sherman never afterwards forgot.

General Grant remained at Fort Henry and assisted with sending forward troops and supplies to General Smith. On the 24th of March, Commodore Foote sent word to General Smith that he desired to see him aboard his flagship, to consult with him in reference to sending the ironclads down the river, as the water was falling very rapidly. In stepping into a yawl from his headquarters steamer, General Smith missed the step and slipped, and severely bruised his left leg from the ankle to above the knee, not only removing the skin, but tearing the flesh from the bone in places. He was 62 years old, six feet three inches high, and weighed over 200 pounds. He was a WestPoint graduate and every inch a soldier, and he was well liked by his troops. (He grew worse, and this injury caused his death at Savannah in April, after the battle.) He wrote to General Grant at Fort Henry and told him of his injury, and asked that he come up and take command of the army.

In the meantime General Grant had asked to be relieved from any command under General Halleck, who he considered had done him a great injustice, as he had reported the number of troops under his command, and considered he had authority to take Clarksville and visit Nashville. General Halleck, seeing the situation, wrote to General Grant asking him to go up to Pittsburg Landing and take command of the army, and lead it on to still greater victories. He went as requested, on the steamer Hiawatha. April 2, just four days before the battle, there was a council of war held, and General Smith turned over the command of the army to General Grant. Halleck had ordered Grant to Pittsburg Landing to take command and await the arrival of the Army of the Ohio under General Buell, when Halleck was to come down from St. Louis, take command of the combined armies, and move on the enemy at Corinth, 24 miles away, where they had strongly intrenched themselves.

It was never any part of the program on the part of the Union commanders to fight a battle at Shiloh. At this council of war, General Smith said to General Grant, “In the next few days you will have to meet, and I hope, defeat the ablest General in the Southern Confederacy, Albert Sidney Johnston, he being, in my opinion, the ablest military man of his day.”

Grant replied modestly, “We will do the best we possibly can to defeat him.”

McPherson, Hurlbut, McClernand, McArthur and Sherman were present at this council. Thus it will be seen that General Grant was placed in full command only four days before the battle, and with his former experience with Halleck, he would do nothing not specified in his orders from Halleck. Shiloh was considered only a temporary camp for the army awaiting the arrival of the Army of the Ohio and General Buell. The headquarters had been established at Savannah by Smith, and they yet remained there when the battle opened on the morning of April 6.

Now, let us look at the Confederate side before the battle opened. General Albert Sidney Johnston had just been sent West by Jefferson Davis to take command of Confederate forces. He had only reached Bowling Green, Kentucky, a short time before General Grant took Forts Henry and Donelson, and had not time to arrange his troops, that were scattered from Cumberland Gap to the Mississippi River, and on west to Pea Ridge, Arkansas. The capture of the forts caused General Johnston to fall back from Bowling Green, and when Nashville fell, he retreated to Murfreesboro, Tennessee. This so enraged the Southerners, that they said in their papers that he was not competent to lead the army, and charged him with being untrue to the South. So great was the pressure that Jefferson Davis ordered PGT Beauregard to come up from Charleston, South Carolina, to assist in command of the army. It was decided to concentrate the Confederate forces at Corinth, Mississippi, 24 miles from Pittsburg Landing and if possible stop the farther invasion of their soil by General Grant’s army. Troops were hurried to this point from every quarter, until an army of 45,000 or 50,000 men were gathered there.

General Johnston heard of Buell’s army marching toward Pittsburg Landing, and he and Beauregard decided to make a forced march and attack Grant’s army, and if possible, capture or destroy it, before General Buell arrived. He gave orders for the army to move on Pittsburg Landing at once, and that all the various commands must be in position near the Union lines before 3 p.m. on April 4, but owing to the bad roads and a portion of the army getting mixed up, they did not get into position until the evening of the 5th, too late to commence the battle that day. There was a council of war called that night at General Johnston’s headquarters, and General Beauregard insisted that it should only be labelled a reconnaissance in force, and no attack should be made, as he felt sure they would find the Union forces behind breastworks, as there had been heavy skirmishing the day before. But General Johnston said that the battle must go on, and he would take command of the troops in person on the field, while General Beauregard was to see to sending forward of the reserves as he should need them. There had been some skirmishing the day before, and General Prentiss had sent out Colonel David Moore of the 21st Missouri with five companies of his regiment to reconnoitre. They returned and made a report that there was activity in front, and that a huge cavalry force had been developed. At three o’clock Sunday morning, Colonel Moore with five companies of his regiment again went to the front, and at break of day he drove the advance pickets of the enemy in and engaged their advance line. He sent for the remainder of his regiment, which was sent to him, and soon Prentiss’s whole division was in line of battle and hotly engaged about a quarter mile in front of their camp, where they made a desperate struggle to beat back the enemy, but were overpowered and outflanked, and compelled to fall back to their color-line, where they made another stand and were again compelled to retire with heavy loss.

General Prentiss then rallied his men and fell back about one mile, and joined General Hurlbut at what became known as the “Hornet’s Nest,” where he and his gallant division stood like a wall until 5 p.m., when he was outflanked, overpowered and captured.

General Sherman’s advance brigade, Hildebrand, soon became engaged, and then his whole division. It came like a thunder-clap from a clear sky to General Sherman, who admitted, “It was not until I saw the long line of glistening bayonets emerging from out of the timber that I became convinced that the enemy intended a general attack.” Many of his troops had never been under fire, and many were just from their homes in the North, and did not stand the fire of the enemy like the others who had fought at Fort Donelson, and his division was soon driven back with heavy loss.

General McClernand threw his division into the breach and made a desperate attempt to stem the tide of battle that was sweeping the Union forces back toward the Landing. The battle raged around the old Shiloh Church, and to the right and left. General Hurlbut had taken a position about one mile to the left and rear, at the Peach Orchard. He had sent Veatch’s brigade to the assistance of Sherman and McClernand. WHL Wallace had brought his division up to the line occupied by Hurlbut, and soon the whole army had concentrated along this line. General Grant and Staff were at Savannah when he heard the first cannon of the morning. He was sitting at the breakfast table of the old Cherry House, and Mrs. Cherry was just in the act of handing him a cup of coffee when he heard the first gun fired. He said, “The battle has opened, and we must go.”

He ordered his aides and staff to go on board the steamer, Tigress, and as soon as steam could be raised they started for Pittsburg Landing. He slowed up at Crump’s Landing long enough to tell General Lew Wallace to have his division in readiness to march to whatever point he might be needed, and then proceeded on to the front. Arriving there about 9 a.m., he and his staff passed through Hurlbut’s division at the Peach Orchard and went out to where Sherman’s and McClernand’s divisions were engaged. He soon returned, and as he passed inside the lines of Hurlbut’s division, he said, “Boys, you will soon have something to do,” which was verified by the attack of the enemy on our division, and the battle opened all along the line. This was the place that witnessed the most desperate fighting that occurred during the battle.

[An excerpt of William Preston Johnston’s depiction of the Battle of Shiloh is here given, to provide the viewpoint from the Confederate perspective.]

Returning to his narrative: “Thus ended the life of General Albert Sidney Johnston, the greatest Confederate leader in the Western army, who had for six hours urged on the Confederate forces against Hurlbut’s and Wallace’s troops, and in the last desperate attempt to beat the Union troops back had lost his life, so very anxious was he to crush Grant’s army before nightfall, and to gain the victory he had so desired.”  

It was near 4 p.m. when our line was driven back. The brigade of Stuart, on the left, was beaten back, and at last Hurlbut’s Fighting Fourth Division was forced back, out of ammunition, and with ranks depleted. The gallant 9th Illinois that had fought on the left of the 41st Illinois had lost 365 men in killed and wounded, the heaviest loss sustained by any regiment at Shiloh. The troops marched back in perfect order and replenished their cartridge boxes, and took up their position on the last line of defense, one mile from the Landing. General Prentiss and General WHL Wallace still held their positions on the right, and Prentiss says he had orders from General Grant to hold his position at all hazards, which he did until he was surrounded, and compelled to surrender. General WHL Wallace, in trying to extricate his command from the perilous position at the Hornet’s Nest, was shot, and died on a steamboat.

About 5 p.m., General Prentiss, with some 2000 men, were made prisoners, after a long and desperate fight, in which he stayed the onward march of the Confederate army for many hours. There was a lull in the battle for a short time when Prentiss and his men were captured. General Grant, with his chief of artillery, Colonel Webster, had gotten up a siege battery from the Landing, and all the field artillery as it came in from the battlefield was parked around the brow of the hill, covering Dill’s Run and the Landing. Some light breastworks had been thrown up, and as the remnant of that gallant army came back from the front they were formed along this line. There were no cowards in that last line on Sunday evening. (Those men had all gone to the river, and left their comrades to fight it out as best they could.) Sherman and McClernand, with the remnants of Wallace’s division, were on the right, which rested on Snake Creek, where they anxiously awaited arrival of Lew Wallace’s Division, 6000 strong, who had been ordered to the field early in the morning, but which did not arrive until the battle had ended Sunday evening. The last line had only sufficient time to form, when they were attacked by General Chalmer’s Mississippians. They came to the ravine, and in range of the artillery, when the guns opened on them, and such a sheet of flame as poured forth from this line was never witnessed in any battle. The scene will be forever remembered by all who witnessed it. There were no troops that could withstand such a fire, and to add to the awful roar of battle, the gunboats, Conestoga and Lexington, lying in the Tennessee River, threw open their portholes and began firing their 15-inch shells up Dill’s Run, at the Confederate forces. The Rebels were driven back out of the reach of our cannon, and occupied our camps for the night. It has been said that General Beauregard issued an order withdrawing the Confederate forces after General Johnston’s death.

Colonel Alexander Chisholm, chief aide de camp to General Beauregard, says of the closing scenes on Sunday evening at Shiloh, “After General Beauregard became cognizant of the death of General Johnston, he sent me with orders to the front, which led to the concentration of Confederate forces which resulted in the capture of General Prentiss and so many of his men. After 5 o’clock I carried orders to General Hardee, who was then engaged on the Federal right. I remained with him until almost dark, up to which time no orders had reached him to cease firing. On the contrary, he was doing his best to force back the enemy in his front. Had Colonel Preston Johnston been present at that last hour of the battle of the 6th, a witness of the actual fruitless efforts to storm the last position held by the enemy upon the ridge covering the Landing, he would be better informed why it was that that position was not carried, and be less disposed to adduce such testimony as that of General Bragg, to the effect that, but for the orders given by General Beauregard to withdraw from action, he would have carried all before him. General Beauregard did tell General Bragg not to unnecessarily expose his men to the fire of the gunboats.

That there was a struggle for the last line of defense several hours after General Johnston had been killed, everyone who was there well knows. The division of General Nelson, of General Buell’s army, arrived on the field just as the last struggle was going on, and Ammen’s brigade formed in line of battle and the 36th Indiana fired several rounds at the retiring Confederates, having one man killed and three wounded. This was the extent of Buell’s loss on Sunday. General Lew Wallace’s division arrived Sunday evening, as did a large part of Buell’s Army of the Ohio, and orders were issued by General Grant to move on the enemy at daylight, on the morning of the 7th. The rain set in and kept falling all night, which was a Godsend to the thousands of wounded who were left lying on the battlefield.

All day the steady roll of the artillery and infantry had been heard along the line, and foot by foot had every inch of ground been contested, and both sides had left the ground covered strewed with dead, wounded and dying.

The loss had been fearful with both friend and foe, and neither side made a correct report of their losses on that day, as many future statements have proved. General Grant says that at no time did we have over 25,000 men in line, while the Confederates, according to their own statement, had from 41,000 to 46,000 men engaged.

With the early morning of the 7th the Federal troops moved forward and attacked the Confederates, driving them back from every position until they were back at the old Shiloh Church, where the battle had commenced on Sunday morning. They held one ridge very stubbornly. General Grant seeing this, selected Veatch’s brigade of Hurlbut’s division, with other regiments, and formed them in line. Well do I remember when they took off their hats and gave three cheers for the Union and the old flag. Then sweeping up the slope and over the ridge they disappeared down the decline, sweeping everything before them and driving the Confederates from the field. Cheer after cheer rent the air as the last shot died away in the distance, and Shiloh was won.

The gallant army under Buell, and Lew Wallace’s division, aided by the divisions of Hurlbut, McClernand and Sherman, did a grand day’s work for the Union cause on that day, and the Rebel hosts were driven back to Corinth, with their Commander-in-Chief killed, and with a fearful loss in killed and wounded. They had met the sturdy sons of the Northwest in an open-field fight, and with much the largest army, had been defeated.

As to their losses, General Beauregard just after the battle made an estimate of their loss, which placed it at 10,699. In a letter to the writer in 1884, he acknowledged that this report was incorrect, and gave as his reason that his subordinate commanders sent their reports direct to the Confederate War Office at Richmond in place of sending them through his headquarters. The facts are that their loss was nearly 20,000 in the two days of battle.

On the other hand, General Grant estimates the Union loss at 13,047, which was very far short of our actual loss. The positions occupied by General Grant and General Beauregard at that time would not have been held by them ten days had they made accurate report of their losses on that occasion; for it will be remembered that both were under a cloud, and had the actual facts been known they would have been superseded at once.

General Grant says that the burial parties that he sent out reported that they had buried 4000 Confederate dead on the field, and then not all of them reported. Confederate division and brigade commanders have since made reports which show that their loss was at least 20000.

This battle was a great lesson to the commanders of the Union army, and made them ever afterward use greater care and caution to always be prepared to receive an attack, and it was these lessons that afterward made Grant and Sherman the great leaders in the war that was finally ended at Appomattox, where Lee surrendered his army to Grant, and the great rebellion was at an end.

 

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Of course, the establishment of the National Military Parks is interconnected with the earlier creation of National Cemeteries:

image.png [Chicago Daily Tribune of 10 SEP 1866, page 1 col.4]

Major Whitman and the National Cemeteries

In December 1865, Edmund Burke Whitman was reassigned from Quartermaster duties with the Department of the Tennessee and tasked with “the Special Duty of Inspecting battlegrounds, cemeteries and other locations in the former Confederate States where Union dead are interred.” That duty subsequently evolved whereby Massachusetts-native (and Harvard-educated) Major Whitman became partially responsible for the selection of sites for National Cemeteries. [It is recorded that Whitman’s criteria for National Cemeteries included: “favourable conditions for ornamentation, in close proximity to scenes of historical interest (with ease of access) in order to encourage friends and family of the deceased to [visit or make pilgrimage]” – U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs: National Cemetery Administration.]

As is already known, General Montgomery Meigs is responsible for selection of Robert E. Lee’s former home at Arlington as the First National Cemetery, and in June 1865 Quartermaster Meigs ordered the compilation of a Roll of Honor listing every Union soldier buried in vicinity of Washington, D.C. (with particular attention paid to Arlington National Cemetery.) The desire to expand this Honor Roll beyond the Nation’s Capital is likely what drove the selection of Major Whitman to conduct his inspections in Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama and Georgia, and better memorialize Union war dead in those States.

For more information on Major Whitman and his involvement with Shiloh National Cemetery:

 http://www.cem.va.gov/cem/history/timeline/timeline-1865.asp National Cemetery Administration (scroll down)

 http://quod.lib.umich.edu/c/clementsmss/umich-wcl-M-1738whi?rgn=main;view=text  Edmund Whitman Papers

[In above link, scroll to 5 SEP 2018 post by Hank.]

 

 

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In conjunction with the above post on brevet-Major E. B. Whitman, the following links make reference to the reports and maps that were generated in process of battlefield inspection and reburial of Union remains:

http://prologue.blogs.archives.gov/2014/05/22/now-on-display-whitmans-report-on-cemeteries/  Whitman's Report (on Shiloh), and

http://www.archivesfoundation.org/documents/whitmans-report-cemeteries-shiloh-illustration/   Whitman sketch of Shiloh Cemetery

Cheers

Ozzy

 

 

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Mona

Thanks for taking a look at the information concerning Major Whitman and his involvement in relocating Union remains. As I searched for "Whitman's Final Report of 1869," I was both heartened -- and alarmed -- to discoverer that the document was put on temporary display at National Archives Museum (proof that it exists); but because it is held by National Archives, it has probably been returned to its usual resting place three rows down from The Ark of the Covenant....

As we know, Major David W. Reed spent a dozen years attempting to track down his brother's grave (Milton Reed), initially buried at Jackson, Tennessee. I have encountered references indicating Reed met Whitman; and they likely made use of Major Whitman's records to track the relocated remains to Corinth National Cemetery.

I have also found references that indicate Major Whitman began his work in Tennessee at Forts Henry and Donelson (so by time he reached Pittsburg Landing, his method would have been nearly perfected.) Every bit of evidence available was recorded: even "Unknown" graves at Shiloh had opportunity to be identified, with their original siting recorded, proximity to other graves of the same regiment noted, and "grave goods" recovered (rings, watches, pocket knives, etc) which are in storage at Shiloh NMP.

If I uncover an online access to Major Whitman's Final Report, I will make mention and add the link, here. Meanwhile, it appears only intrepid individuals able to make the pilgrimage to Washington, D.C. can access the document at the National Archives.

Still searching...

Ozzy

 

Referenceshttp://shilohdiscussiongroup.com/topic/1977-david-w-reeds-brother/   Milton Reed, buried at Corinth National Cemetery

http://www.cem.va.gov/cem/pdf/InterpretiveSigns/CorinthNationalCemetery.pdf   Major Whitman's involvement with Corinth National Cemetery

http://www.cem.va.gov/cem/pdf/InterpretiveSigns/CaveHillNationalCemetery.pdf  Cave Hill, Kentucky, where Major Whitman likely started his work.

 

 

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Mona

Still nothing online in relation to Edmund Burke Whitman and his Final Report (National Cemeteries and Reburials) of 1869... however, at NARA (National Archives and Records Administration) the following details are available:

  • Record Group 92 [Office of Quarter Master General]
  • 92.3  General records of the Office of QM General
  • 92.3.5  Other records... which include, "Records of Colonel Edmund B. Whitman relating to QM functions performed in conjunction with identification of Union War Dead and subsequent establishment and maintenance of National Cemeteries, 1863 - 1869."

At this moment, the only recourse is for individuals to rock up to NARA in Washington, D.C. and request to view the above RG 92 Record 92.3.5 as described.

http://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/092.html#92.3.3  NARA online catalogue.

[Of course, Major Whitman's documents may be on microfiche, and available for viewing at a NARA Regional office...]

Best I can do, at the present time

Ozzy

 

 

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